(106-120)

If Australian forestry, like Australian farming, has come to depend heavily on introduced species, global forestry owes much more to species orignating in Australia. The most important of these are eucalypts but they also include the acacias(wattles), casuarinas, araucarias and others. Today, outside Australia, the world has over 6 milion ha of euacalypt plantations and cloes on half a million ha of acacia plantations. Unlike rubber and cinchona, the seeds of which had to be secretly smuggled out of Brazil and Peru respectivly, to subsequently furnish plantations which commercially eclipsed their forebears in the native forests, eucalypts and other seed have been freely donated and freely sold. Today fifty tons of seed of Australian species are exported annually, at a value of over five million dollars. The Commonwealth Scientific Industrial Reserch Organization's Tree Seed Centre, in collaboration with development assistance agencies, annually sends 6000 seed lots of Australian tree species to about 85 countries.

The country boasting most eualypts today-Brazil, with an estimated 2 billion trees-first received seed, perhaps via Porugal, about 1830. But the first major boom in eucalypts planting there came early in the twentieth century, when the Sao paolo railway, having denuded the native forest on either side of the line, opted after trials for three eucalypt species for extensive plantations to fuel its wood-burning locomotives. These plantations survived for many years, since coal soon replaced wood for fuel. But it was the existence of the plantations and the known productivity of eucalypts that made possible an indigenous iron and steel industry, since charcoal could take the place of coke and Brazile did not posses suitable coking coal.

The great boom in eucalypt planting in Brazil camecame four dezades later, when fiscal incentives made it possible for rich landowners, buisiness men and even professionals to become owners of forest plantations instead of paying income tax. By 1970 Brazil had eucalypt

plantation in far greater quandantities than could ever be needed for domestic purposes. By now, however, it had not only been estabilished that eucalypt pulp, with its high alpha cellulose content was specially suitable for rayon, tyre cord, transparent cellulose wrapping and associated industries: but that hardwood(short fiber) pulp could replace more expensive softwood(long fiber)pulp greater than had previously been though possible in several grades of paper. Thus foregin pulp and paper industrie hastened to join Brazilian capital in estabilishing new pulp export plants based on this plentiful unused resource.

France , Portugal, Spain and Sisily all have important forest industries based on eucalypt plantation, as has Argentina. Countries as different as China and New Zealand are planting eucalypts for industry. It was progency of the seeds of five eucalypt species sent by the Bishop of Melbourneto the Three fountains Abbey outside Rome which enabledMussolini to drain the Pontine marshes. The Emperor Menelik ¥± of Abyssinia is surpposed to have settled on Addis Ababa as his permanent capital because eucalypts thrived there: successive preceding imperial sites had in turn become incapable of surpporting court needs as they were speedily deforested for firewood. However, the global boom in Third World eucalypt planting was given impetus by the World Bank (and others) when the extent of the looming energy crisis in about 100 Third World contries was revealed by an FAO study of fuelwood consumption and future fuelwood needs.

The many eucalypt species in Australia are adopted to a very wide variety of soils and climate, ranging from temperate to tropical, although only a few are frost resistant. Their great value, for industry and for meeting urban and rural energy needs, is that they grow fast, coppice patches, they can provide the small farmer with poles for building and wood for fuel in three to five years. Because they grow fast, they consume a good deal of water, Their roots can penetrate deeply in their search for water and nutrients, drowing on the water table, or alternatinely spread laterally near thr surface, impoverishing the soil surrounding the tree.Their leaf canopy is relatively sparse, intercepting or checking the speed of falling rain to a lesser extent than that of other speciese in controlling run-off and soil erosion. Rarely can eucalypt plantaions be grazed, but there are cases where some species, closely planted on adequate soils, can be safely grazed in the first few years after estabilishment.

Koalas thrive on some species: domestic livestock on none. Eucalypts provide neither fodder nor browse. Nor is the leaf litter only slowly, so that there is a considerable build-up of litter as portential fuel for ground trees. Though the leaves of many species yield valuable extratives, medicinal as well as essencial oils, those same extractives make for easy igniting and high flammability. In high winds fire can leap from crown to crown with lightning rapidity. Planted eucalypts are no less fire-prone than those in the native forests. The enthusiasm evinced in recent decades by Australian suburbia for indigenous flora, switching from English-type gardens, has siginificantly raised fire risk in the urban fringes.

This is far from an adequate summation of the pros and cons of eucalypts. But perhaps it is sufficient to indicate some of the issues under contention. Eucalypts have taken fride of place to date in so-called social forestry. But this is because most social forestry projects have failed to study, or chosen to ignore, the political and socio-economic context within which they must operate. Inthe vast majority of cases, the small farmer looks to trees to provide him not simply with poles and fuel, but also fodder, fertilizer and food. Moerover, his trees should help his other crops thrive, not steal water and nutrients from them.

The better-offfarmer, eager to take adventage of a ready market for eucalypts as raw material for industry or as a fuel, often finds it pays better to grow eucalypts than to grow grain. The Kanataka social forestry scheme mentioned above realized after a feww years that adjustments were necessery: by 1988 only 15 per cent of the trees being planted were eucalypts, as compare with 80 per cent at the scheme's outset.

The blame for eucalypt-addiction in social forestry projects is sometimes laid at the door of Australian advisers: unfairly, since Australian foresters are at least as aware of the social implications as their professor al fellowes, while being more conscious of both the potential and the constraints of the many eucalypt species. Studies now underway in Australia are likely to enlarge the range of eucalypt species (camaldulensis,calycogana,gracilis and others) which may help to make productive use of saline soils. Selection and breeding for frost resistance may permit the introduction of species into new areas. And there are still very many Third World situations where presently available eucalypts can be planted to the advantage of the small farmer and the landless. Appropriately selected, and planned with due regard to the social and economic impact, thr Wizard of Oz has many people yet to serve.

Brazil

Brazil's tropical forests are today disappearing at the rate of 2.5 million ha a year. Brazil is perhaps the richest country on earth for natural resources: it is twice the size of Europe with less than a quartet of Europe's population. Obviously Brazil is not overpopulated. Nor does it lack sufficient resources to feed it's people.

Up to the middle of the seventeenth century Brazil was the world's largest sugar producer and the biggest market for slaves. Then the Dutch, who had taken over both sugar producing and slave trafficking, decided to pull out of Brazil's north-east, where the soiles were wearing out, to the Caribean, much closer to the European market. What did they leave behind them?

Suger had destroyed the north-east. The humid coastal fringe,well-watered by rains had a soil of great fertility rich in humus and mineral salts and covered by forest from Bahia to Ceara. This region of savannahs. Natually fitted to produce food, it became a place of hunger. Where everything had bloomed exuberantly, the destructive and all-dominating latifundio left sterile rock, washed-out soil, eroded lands.

Brazil's north-east has never recovered. Milions of the world's poorest scratch a bare living from these degraded lands. The climate has been completly changed. When the rains fall, countless thousands vote with their feet,trekking hundres of miles in search of less barren soils on which they may squat.

The threat of hunger has never left north-east. What happens to people if generation after generation goes hungry ? Listen to Nelson Chaves, of the Nutrition Institude at Recife University

Our studies have led us to conclude that people in the region are getting smaller because they're hungry. The average height, which ought to be 1.75 meters,is 1.60 meters for man and 1.58 meters for women. This is veritable nutritional dwarfism.

The north-east is not the only region of Brazil to have been already almost completly deforested. Over 500,000 §´ of forest in south-eastern Brazil have disappered, save for a few scattered patches. Their original inhabitants were Amerindian hunters and gatherers,who,though they may have use fire, had negligible impact on the forest. About 1500 years ago the indigenes were pushed inlaand by Tupi-Guarani shifting cultivators. Though they extent that limited areas of primary forest cleared, planted then abandoned, came up as secondary forest. With the arrival oh the Portuguese settlers, the Tupi-Guaranis were hunted: some were enslaved, while many succumbed to settler-borne diseases.

The mestizo population,also practising slash-and-burn but armed with iron tools, cleared the forests more effectivily. but it was the whites, especially those with money and connections, who obtained title to the cleared lands. The peasant cultivators, like many of their predecessors elsewhere and milions of their successors, were acting as land-clearers for planters and ranchers who followed. Gold and diamonds, suger, coffee,

railroads: each in turn brought waves of immigration, more forest destrution, ubanizatio, land speculation. where this forest once stood, one-third of Brazil's population now lives. Some have argued that the liqidation of that forest capital was a necessory prerequisite for capitalist agriculture, industrialization, and their attendant blessings. But the long- term casts of species of both flora and fauna rendered extinct:rural people

made landless and driven to the shanty towns: denuded watersheds leading to dried up rivers and more frequent floods, jeopardizing both water and power supplies to the towns.

The Amazon

The north-east, the south-east: but Brazil has Amazon. When tropical forests are mentioned to most people their thoughts immediately speed to the Amazon. Often they will summon up a mental picture of loggers mowing down the Amazon forests with chain saws. However, this is a myth, given currency by those who would likea readily identifical villain.

In fact, Brazil's humid forests in the Amazon region contain about 50,000 million §© of timber. The loggerstake out each year only four million §©-that is, less than a hundredth of one percent. The reason is that the Amazon forest are not rich in species presently considered commercial. The coast of getting timber out and transporting it to the industrialized part of Brazil is high. This is why ioggers in Brazil's Amazon operate only in easily accessible places, on a small scale, using very simple equipment, and taking our just a few selected species. Nor is this situation likely to change very much. The intention is that more and more of Brazil's industrial wood needs will be met from plantations-artificial forests. Only China, the USA, and the USSR have created lager areas of man-made forest than has Brazil.

Nearly all the deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon takes place either round the network of trans-Amazonnian highways, with accompanying colonization schemes or spontaneous settlement, or through large-scale ranching project,both n the southern Amazon forests and in the proximate open savannah woodlands.

Transnationals are to the fore in these developments, the aim being cheap beef, mainly for the domestic Brazilian market. Further north, in several of the countries of Central America, exactly the same process is at work, with peasants being displaced by ranching and pushed into the forests. There the beef is exported to the insatiable North American market: the 'hamburger connection'.

What actually lies behind the absurd Amazon 'drem' of marrying the 'men with no land' (from the north-east) to the 'land with no men' is that shifted cultivators are once again acting as land-clearers for big bisiness. It has suited successive Brazilian governments to jeopardize the tropical forests rather than carry out the land reforms they has so often promised.

With Brazil on the edge of economic collapse, civilian rule returned in 1985 and Brazil has a government which won power pledged to land reform. Half of Brazil's people are landless peasants with their families.

One per cent of its landowners occupy 42 per cent of its cultivated land, while the 52 per cent who own less than 10 ha each occupy less than 3 per cent of the cultivated land. These figures make it clear that the Amazon forests are not shrinking because Brazil is overpopulated ; the pressures that bear on the forests are the consequence of a political system which denies well over half the population access to land and other resources.

The Bishop of Sao Paolo, Alfredo Ernest Novak, describing what was happening in the interior of Brazil, pointed out that it mirrored what was happening in all Latin American countries:

Peasant economies and peasnt cultures are often totally destroyed with the expansion of commercial agriculture in these rural areas, frequently involving even violence and physical confrontation. Peasants are expelled without any recognition of their rigths to the land and to the benefits of their labour in claring virgin areas. (Novak 1981)

Successive reports of the Brazilian Church's Commission on Lands have for years been a litany of murders of priests, peasant leaders and trade union organizers, the suppression of peasant organizations, and so on.

But surely , if Brazil stands so high in the table of countries establishing artificial forests, hasn't this helped the rural poor? The answer is no. Practically all the 4 million and more ha of plantations established in the last two decades are in the southern states, half of them the state of Sao Paolo. Yhe fiscal incentives which led to their creation represented a free gift of valuable resource assets to companies, rich landowners, and welloff professionals. Hardly a single hectare went into the north-east where they could have provided employment for same of the famine-ridden millions and laid the basis for new , permant forsts industries.

Has Brazil's civilian government the will and the power to carry out its pledges? Only if it is prepared to mobilize the rural millions to breake the power of the landlords and thus carry out its pleges for land reform, will the steady disappearance of the Amazonian forests be stemmed.

The prospects are not encouraing. As yet the persecution of rural organizers has not ceased, nor have the private armies of the biggest landowners been disbanded. The pressure of the influential landowner's lobby brought the resignation of the first appointment as Minister for Agrarian Reform and Development. Supported by the Roman Catholic Church and the agricultural unions, he had sought to settle 7 million landless families on some of Brazil's 200million ha of unused arable land.

The third Land Reform Minister died in an air crash in the eastern Amazon where he had been investigating land disputes in which hundres had died.

One tragic aspect of the manner in which the Amazonian forests are being destroyed is that it involves the genocide of the indigenous Indians.

It is not only that by destroying their habitat the people themselves are destroyed. Landiess peasants who are pushed into the forests on which the Indians depend come into armed conflict with them, and projects and huge electrification schemes. The future of Brazil's remaining 200,000 Indians renains bleak. Jucas Filho, the head of Funai,the National Indian Bureau, has decalared that 'Indian communities have no money to improve conditions, but they are sitting on treasures'. The intention to contract reserved lands to sawmills and mining companies is clear. Simultaneously, Funai has ordered the evacuation of Catholic missionaries who have taken up the cause of the Indians. One Jesuit, Vicente Canas, was murdered when attempting toprotect the fragile Enauene tribe in Mato Grosso.

Brazil is fortunate in having many lively intellectuals and vigorous consrevationists who are aware of the threat to the Indians and the squandering of Brazil's natural resources. Their brave campaigning can meet with success if it is accompanied by sufficient external pressure. The withdrawal of World Bank support from the huge Polo-Nordeste electrification project, the consequenceof US conservationist pressure on the Bank via the US government, led to the abandonment of the project. This sis the only signal victory scored by conservationists in Brazil to date.

Bbitish india and after

No forest history outside Europe and North America is better documented than that of the India subcontinent. Though well documented, it is far from being completely written. The ample documentation continues to be explored, and in the course of that exploration some pages have been rewritten several times.

The approaches of those presently writing are far from uniform. Some castigate the british invander as timber pirates, land theves nd soil wreckers, somtimes implying that there had been no significant deforestation until the British came on the scene. Others extol the British for pacifying and unifying the subcontinent, implanting forest science there, ensuring that at least some forestswere reserved and managed, and leaving behind them the iagest and best-trained corps of forestere in what has come to be known as the underdeveloped world.

Nither of these views is correct. India had an important history before the European 'assault'. The motivation of the British, when they succeded in expelling their rivals and establishing their domination over the whole subcontinent, was never altruistic. Though they did leave behind them a relatively well staffed forest department, the reason for setting it up in the first place was to keep alive at least some of the geese that were laying them such golden eggs.

The highly prized commodities- silk, spices, jewels and the like- which found their way to Europe and eventually triggered off the European assault were only a spill- over from an intricate and highly developed inter-Asiatic trade conducted, mostly by sea, between sates ranging from petty kingdoms to giant empries. The original odjectives of all the European East India companies were first, to acquire part of this lucrative trade next, to monopolize it if possidle ; then to expand it by adding other export commodities in demand : finally, to develope all imaginable means of raising revenue. Every Company had the blessing of its government, a blessing translated into military help when needed. Because it always was needed, the Companies were eventually absorbed into the imperial powers.

Thus the squeezing of wealth out of peasant cultivators, which concomitant deforestation to get more land tilled, neither began with the British nor, sadly, did it end with the British withdrawal. Nearly three millennia ago it was deforestation of the north which shifted power from the earlist civilizations of the Indus to the fertile Ganges plain.

Nevertheless, it is reported that when Alexander thr Great extended his campaign to the Punjad, reaching the river Indus(326 BC), he was able to hide his armies in dense forest. Most of the millennium before Christ was a period of continuous strife,during which some of the world's most important religions were born. Not until Asoka(273-236BC) was the subcontinent brought under a single ruler. With his death thr first Indian

Empire broke up under the impact of invasions from the north. Five centuries later the Guptas again established empire over most of the subcontinent, only for it to collapse in its turn with the barbarian invasions of the fifth century. The nomal invaders, like their successors many centuries later, burned forests to create pasture. The political disaggregation after the barbarian invasion was longlasting, and not until Muslim expansion following on the Islamic revival did a unified India again appear. Northern India was under Muslim domination by 1500, but the second half of the sixteenth century.

By then, the European maritime powers, after rounding the Cape, were pursuing thr incrative spice trade hitherto conducted partly overland and controlled by Venice. Portuguese , Dutch, French and British competed with no holds barred. French hopes in India were extinguished when they were defeated at the battle of plassey(1757)

The rise of British rule

britian proceeded to swallow the subcontinent by stages, making treaties where apporpriate, fighting wars when necessary, annexing outright when oter measures proved insufficient. The spice trade was small beer compared with the revenues entering the pockets of local rulers. Means had to be devised of acquiring some of these revenues and expanding them.

Mughal India, weakened by its internal contradictions, disintegrated under the impact of the policies pursued by the East India Company, itd death signalled by Clive's victory in 1751. But by this time India was far from being a uniform mass of subsistence cultivators, origanized in simple village communities. The tributary system in force varied from region to region, with differing social structures corresponding to the several ways in which wealth was extracted. Responsibility for collection of land revenues lay with village headmen, with large landlords(zemindars), or with appointed government officials. Under the Mughals land ownership rested on an unstable and renuous foundation. At the bottom of the pile, the peasant producer had the right and the duty to cultivate the land.

Failure to till it meant loss of occupancy right. Ultimate title might rest with the sovereign, and transfer : were prohibited or required approval. But both zemindars and government-appointed revenue collectors were frequently greedy and corrupt.

Already by the time of Akbar a cash-based system of revenue collection was in force. This tributary sysrem meant that in many areas there was already substantial regional and interregional trade, including exports, long before the Europeans had any pronounced impact. Thus it is reported that Patna, in 1660, had no fewer than 600 brokers engaged in the insurance of cargoes and goods in transit. Indeed, the population of Agra at the begining of the seventeenth century was half a million, bigger than either London or Paris.

In the Bombay hinter, for example, small cultivators were growing cotton, wheat, indigo, opium, oil seeds and tobacco for cash sale. Before the British arrived, they paid the government a fixed share( a third to a half) of the harvest, in cash or kind. The tax was collected by village headmen, the bottom statum in the rural power structure. The villages, settled communities of cultivators, were separated from each other by large areas of jungle, waste and orests. To the British, all this was deplorable waste- waste in a literal sense, because it did not produce revenue. The most important task, therefore, was to put it under the plough, preferably for cash-yielding export crops. This was encouraged by offering legal title to anyone who would clear and plant 'waste'. No matter that peasant cultivators relied on recourse to the forest and waste, for grazing their animals, for fuel and building materials, even for supplementary food in hard years. Nomatter that much of the forest was the home of shifting cultivators, whose mode of existence was threatened as their living spacewas restricted. No matter that many tribal peoples lived by collecting and selling, in the villages and towns, a vast range of minor forest products. No matter that some upland deforestation accelerated erosion and flooding.

The quotation which heads this chapter manifests an awareness of the delicate agriculture-forests interdependence. But that , of course, came after a forests department had been set up. And the setting up came only with renewed fears about the availability of good timber. The first anxieties, in the first decade of the nineteenth century, had been for timber for the British Navy as well not a forester, but a Captain Watson of the police, appointed in 1806 to supervise a monopoly of timber in Malabar and Travancore and the consequent extinction of all private rights. Opposition from private traders led to the abolition of this post in 1823, with a consequent free-for all. Nevertheless, similar appointment to the same end were made in Bombay in 1847 and Madras in 1850. Again, the concern was with earmarking the best timber for the Company or the British Crown, not with managing the forests. Warning about the adverse ecological impact of deforesation- by observant Company pfficers in the first half of the century, by professional forests later- fell on deaf ears.

Always, before and after the Crown superseded the Company, it was the Revenue Officers who counted.

It was the deplet on of the teak forests along the Malabar coast that first turned British attention to Burma.Burmese teak and ironwood were known and traded all over Asia. These timbers were traditionally the exclusive property of Burmese kings, and forest areas were farmed out to merchants and traders. In 1824, after border friction, the British extorrted a treaty which ,while leaving Pegu Burmese, annexed Arakan to the north and Tenasserim to the south, as well as establishing a protectorate over Assam. Two years later the director of the Calxutta botannic gardens was sent to assess the forests. However, these continued to be ravaged by European contractors and their Burmese agents. In 1852 the Irrawaddy delta was annexed to the Indian Empire. Quarrels between Burman pfficials and agents of the Bombay- Burman Yimber Company led to the final Anglo- Burman war, bringing about British annexation of the rest of Burma. A turn came with the Dalhousie Memorandum in1855. The Governor General of India therby declared all teak and similar timbers to be the property of the Government of India and made cutting without government authorization a criminal offence. The German Dietrich Brandeis was charged with setting up a forest department in Burma. This department, from 1860, had the task of leasing forest areas to private contractors, demarcating permanent forest reserves, and curbing shifting cultivation in the forest. These activities concerned only the valuable timber-bearing dry deciduous forests of Upper Burma. There aws no attempt tp conserve the fascinating heterogeneous evergreen foerst of the Irrawaddy Delta. Thr rich delta lands were cleared, settled and transeformed, in the course of secound half of the nineteenth century, and especially after the opening of the Suez canal, into the worid's greatest rice exporting area. Thus ,though scientific forestry came to Burma before it reached India, its concern was only with the few species deemed marketable.

In 1853 parliament in London wrangled over the renewal of the East India Company charter. The debates included some first misgivings about the'unacceptable face' of imperialism. Even so, no-one-not even the percipient political journalist writing on Indian events for a New York paper, Karl Marx- foresaw the unthinkable : the mutiny of the Sepoys in 1857.

In India mutiny, which shocked every Briton, came just after British rule seemed to be becoming a shade more enlightened: there was less emphasis on immediate loot, more looking forward towards a peaceful permanent revenue-yielding possession. The annexation of sind in 1843 and the conquest of Punjab ib 1849 had completed the expansion of British power (and closed the north-west gate to the Russians) A peculiar amalgam of agrarian unrest and nascent nationalism had given rise to the mutiny. Yhe sepoys had close ties with the peasants and with petty landowing classes. Discontent was widespread, if not exactly national: it affected mainly the upper Grages valley, homeland of the Bengal army,. It was the first time that a native army, trained and led by Europeans, had risen against its masters. The mutiny may have been unforessen, but it had to be countered. First , of course, exemplary punishment for all concerned.

Next came the abolition of the Company and the creatipn of a single, reliable army, ensuring that all artillery and arsenals stayed in British hands. But it also meant drawing local rulers into closer alliance, spreading the communications network so that troops might be moved speedily where needed, and bonding a British-India administration.

Though not all of India was affected by the mntiny, there were few areas where British rule had not created some disquiet, even unrest. Alredy some of this had its root in deforestation and its consequences, in the clearance and settlement of jungle and waste and the theft of the 'poor man's overcoat' . But it was the railway age which was to start the most significant havoc in the Indian forests, and which made the establishment of a forest department obligatory. Timber was needed for spreading the railways that would bring more potential revenue-producing land within reach of markets. This raliway expansion would also facilitate troop movements, thereby avoiding a repetition of the 'unthinkabie'. These were the needs that brought an Indian forest departmemt nto being. Although the British can take some credit for creating an Indian forest service, it was under the British Raj that the most catastrophic ecological degradation, the deforestaion of the western and central Himalayas, started and gathered pace. Its bitter consequences for the river system are today experienced annually as far downstream as Bangladesh.

Even such a major critic of the Raj as Marx exagerated the'progressive' asprct of British conquest. As Kiernan(1974)has pointed out, the picture Marx carried in his mind of India, based as it was on officers reporting from areas which were quite unrepresentative, led him to the notion that the advent of changeless Asia into the morden age. But the subcontinent was far more heterogeneous and complex than Marx supposed. Not only had much happened before the British got there : British objectives had to be pursued in an immense variety of socio-political(as well as ecological) contexts.

The creation of an Indian forest service

In 1864 the government brought Brandeis from Burma and appointed him inspector General of Forests, thus founding the Indian Forest Department.

Its upper levels were staffed by Britons who had receved a three-year traning at the Royal Indian Engineering Colleage at Cooper's Hill. Indian subordinate officers were trained at the Indian Forestry School established in 1878 at Dehra Dun. Forest guards and other staff were recruited locally. A Forest Act of 1878(replacing an inadequate Act of 1865) gave the Forest Department control and management of reserved forests. They were charged with harvesting systematically : putting an end to shifting cultivation : and limiting or halting grazing and the taking of wood and other products. Guards had police powers and could levy fines and impound cattle.

From its inception, and still today, that Department has problems with the formulation in the Dalhousie Memorandum: 'the sole object with which State Forests are administered is the public benefit . . . the rights and privileges of individuals must be limited otherwise than for their own benefit, only in such degree as is absolutely necessary would be involved in defining and securing that advantage, the public had little idea what eventually would be involved in defining and securing that advantage, the public benefit.

By 1890 a Times of India editorial could report that 60,000 square miles of forest reseves had been created, that every province now had a permanent forest administration, and that Department , with a gross revenu or 13.5 million rupees, provided a net annual surplus of 5.5 million rupees. Forest offences, however, remained at a high level. For example, in 1885-6 a total of 23,000 were reported, of which over 6,000 went to court : the remainder were compounded by forest officers by the levy of fines or fees. Of the cases which went to court, 72 per cent resulted in convictions. In Punjab alone, 40,000 cattle were impounded for forest trespass: evidently pound fees were not a sufficient deterrent. Five provinces accounted for all but a thousand of the cases, and the report complacently observed : 'the numbers in the other provinces being comparatively small, showing that the relations between the Department and the people are excellent'.

'G.K.B.', whose words head this chapter, went on:

But now the pressure is far greater. Agriculture is turning impatient, grasping and ungrateful, foretful of past benefits: 'Make room for filds, your appointed task is done, we can do without you, you are obsolete.' is the cry with regard to the fdrests. but Nature's laws are immutable, and where forests are remowed without just and due reason, drought, pestilence, famine and flood appear, and call attention to the fact.

G.K.B's words were written in 1889. Time was show that they were to apply with equal force almost a century later. Forests, both British officers and their Indian subordinates, lost no oopportunity of expressing their concern. In 1880 the Indian Forester commented favourably on a checkerbord plan advanced by Colonel Corbett: that for every 6 square miles put under the plough, 1 square mile of forest should be reserved as protection, and to supply fuel and small timber needs. The checkerbord plan never got anywhere.

G.K.B. failed to mention, and perhaps did not recognize, another and different kind of disaster which was being prepared by the Indus valley. Deforestation and large irrigation canals during the second half of the nineteenth century brouht about widespread salinization of the soils in north-west India.

Yet for all their concern, both with devastating environmental effects of deforestation and with the plight of rural people, there was little the Forest Department could do. The tasks thrust upon them, justified by Dalhousie's original worlds, brought them increasingly into conflict with the peasants, who from time to time resisted fiercely. But the worst was yet to come.

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