Deforestation in the Himalayas

The opening up of India (by 1890,16000 miles of railway had been built; by 1920, 57000)needed wood for sleepers (ties), fuel and public buildings, Deforestation climbed steadily up the Himalayan foothills. Sal, an acceptable timber in the Terai, was speedily overcut(althought after 1900 sal plantations established by the Forest Department began to bear). Further up, deodar, ideal but slow growing, fell under the axe. At still greater elevations, softwoods such as blue pine, spruce and silver fir remained intact until the buildingof high mountain roads after independence in 1947.

The attempts of Brandeis and his successors to control logging in the Himalayas met with scant success. The pressures on the Forest Deparment to satisfy mounting and changing timber demands were just too great. Wartime military demands produced new pressures from 1914. Relations between the Department and hill dwellers became ever more strained. Throughout the interwar period forest use was a highly politicalissue.

Some writers have argued that "forest satragraya", non-cooreation and noon-yiolent resistance on the part of hill dwellers, emanated from Indian Congress political strategy as influenced by Gandhi. But Ramachandra(1985), who has traced peasant resistance in the Kumaon since the turn of the century, has made it clear that this interpretation seriously underestimates peasant autonomy. It echoes, in an odd fashion, historians and politicians who ascribe peasant protest not to worsening conditions but to the inflammatory intervention of outside agotators. Peasant resistance in the Kumaon has a long history. This is of particular interest since that area is now the centre of the Chipko movement, which involves "tree-hugging", to prevent contractors felling the trees that protest the soils the locals work and that provide products they depend on-a movement which has captured the imagination of conservationists world-wide. Chipko in the Kumaon is but the latest in a long series of protests since commercial forestry, and state intervention, reached the region.

When the warlike Gurkhas from Nepal conquered the isolated hill tracts, their incursions endangered British authority. The treaty of 1815, which ended the Anglo-Gurkhan wars, annexed Kumaon and Garhwal to the Company. Thereafter both the Company and the British army relied heavily on the sturdy, courageous Gurkhas, for whom army life meant escape from a precarious poverty.

The central Himalayas are composed of two distinct ecological zones: monsoon-affected low and middle altitudes, and high, steep valleys to the north. Here there were no sharp inequalities in land ownership, but rather scattered, solid village communities, with well over half the hill land occupied by owner-cultivators-a very different land tenure system from that which the British had encountered on the plains. The villagers had fertile fields in the valleys, good forest and grazing on the hills. The oak forests were valued for fodder and fertilizer and the pine forests periodically burned for fresh grass. The villagers had enjoyed joint rights for fuel and grazing in the commonly held forest and waste from time out of mind. British admiration for the Gurkhas'fighting qualities meant that soldiers were generously settled on retirement and land revenue taxes were light.

Though the demand for timber rose steadily through the nineteenth century, and brought heavy depletion of the sal forests to the south, Kumaon remained unaffected up to the last quarter of the century. The 1878 Forest Act permitted the designation of 'protected' and 'reserved' forests, placing the burden of proving 'legally established rights' on illiterate peasants, incapable of communally owned and managed woods and pasture lands. By now, the chir pine forests were becoming important to the British: means had been discovered of chemically treating this wood for sleepers (by 1880 the railway system needed a million sleepers annually); and tapping for resin was becoming a highly profitable industry.

The peasants had another grievance. British administrators operated forced labour system, known as utar and begar, taken over from former petty hill chiefs. In different country, with neither hotels, guests houses nor transporr systems, all officials and white travellers required considerable labour levies. For most of the century this burden had been relatively light, but it rose sharply in the last quarter, with the establishment of the Forest Department, and provoked outbursts, especially when villagers were called away from seasonal agricultural tasks. By 1893 the Deputy Commissioner for Garwhal reported that 'Forest administration consists for the most part in a running fight with the villagers.' That was the year in which all waste land was declared protected forest, while even in those forests to which access was still permitted, eight tree species were reserved for the Deparment.

Rural protest took many forms, but was almost always non-violent. Some peasants moved away; officials were provided with misleading information; malicious fires were set. By 1916 there were reports of deliberate and organized incendiarim. But it was the pine forests which were set alight; the broadleaved forests-of far more use to peasants-were left intact. Indeed, those few forests which were left in communal ownership continued to be well managed and maintained. Forest satyagraha and the anti-begar movement received an impetus from returning soldiers. Women joined in too. In 1921 the Conservator of Forests was refused coolies.

Independence and beyond

The Indian Forest Act of 1878 still effectively controlled the fate of India's forests. When the British Parliament passed the Government of India Act in 1935, it set up provincial legislatures, and devolved responsibility for forest matters to the province. Thereafter, up to and after Independence and right up to 1976, forestry remained on the State list. State forest services found it much harder than had a centralized forest service to resist pressures from local politicians: these included pressures to surrender lands for conversion to agriculture, and to grant cutting rights for timber to feed new industries. There was little semblance of a trule national forest policy and the Inspectorate General in Delhi became little more than a post office. Promotior remained strictly by seniority, damping down any innovation. The palatial Forest Research Institute at Dehra Dun continued to publish papers, but few of them were relevant to India's real needs, and those few were scarcely read. The School continued to turn out the most highly trained professional forests in the Third World - trained however, for tasks of the past rather than of the ever-changing present. They knew how to manage the reserved slow-growing plantations of industrial wood; but they had little understanding of the small farmer's dependence on the forest and waste, and they had few ideas of how to encourage hill dwellers to manage community forests.

Meanwhile,the Green Revolution came to India; between 1951 and 1973 3.4 mollion ha of forest went under the plough or were destroyed for river valley projects to provide irrigatin for agriculture. This had a double impact. The deforestation had both serious ecological effects (such as floods and soil erosion) and social effecrs (undermining the life support of millions more rural dwellers wholly or partly dependent on the forest). And the polarization of the rural social structure consequent on the Green Revolution (which mainly benefited the better-educated and larger land-holders, able to utilize credit, fertilizers, selected seed, and so on) added to the numbers of rural landless. In fact, deforestation was now proceeding faster than under the British, with even greater ecological damage and social misery. Some estimates suggest that forest cover in the three decades after Independence shrank from 40 to 20 per cent, and even of that 20 per cent nearly half was sadly deplered. However, firm and comparable figures are hard to come by.

Finally, in 1976, recognizing that the national forestry situation was repidly deteriorating, India's National Commission on Agriculture(NCA) recommended the adoption of a revised national forest policy based on the most important national needs. All forest lands were to be established on waste lands, village commons, and beside railways, roads and canals. forest plantations, shelter belts, and mixed farm-forestry were to be encouraged. Social forestry in the NCA context, was not forestry to serve urgent sorcial need (though these were recognized in several passages of the report) but rather forestry practised on land not belonging to the Forest Department.

By this time, the world's development establishment had decided to espouse 'social forestry'. State after State in India found itself offered substantial financial support fron the World Bank or other agencies, and a wide variety of projects purporting to benefit the rural poor and carrying the 'social forestry' label were begun. Indeed, the biggest World Bank investment in social forestry to date is in the state of Karnatake. However, as will be seen from chapter 26, only very few of these projects have succeeded in bringing relief to the categories of people in most need of help.

Fortunately, a new and more socially conscious generation of Indian foresters is now finding its voice. It is extremely critical of some of the policies presently being pursued and of many of the projects being sponsored. It understands that there is no hope whatever of finding continuing employment in afforestation, forest management and timber harvesting for the 40 million adhivasis (tribal hill dwellers, displaced shifting cultivators, small farmers dependent on the forests, collectors and sellers of minor forest products). It realizes that even if funds can be found to re-establish the immense tracts forest cover required to repair some of the ecological devastation, those forests will not long survive if the hungry landless have nowhere else to go.

Nevertheless, India today is in one sense a crucible, a test case, of forestry's ability to make trees serve people. It is also a display centre for social forestry projects-some good, some bad, a few utterly disastrous. Most have disregarded the socio-economic context within which the projects have to be executed. Moreover, there is still over a century of enmity between Forest Department officials and the rural poor to be overcome. It may well be that the reafforestation, both protective and agriculture-supportive, which alone can ensure that India's future generations will be fed can only come about by abolishing or completely restructuring the existing Forest Departments. The heart of the problem has been succinctly expressed by Sharad Kulkarni (1983):

The forest can never be protected by forest guards or police. They will be protected only when the need for their preservation coincides with the interests of the rural poor.

18 China

Because the most important function of forests, woodlands and trees in the world today is to contrebute to raising the welfare and improving the quality of life of millions of rural poor, it is of particular interest to see how far succees has been achieved in China, the country which accounts for about a third of the world peasant pouplation. No country in the world has ever encountered a need for afforestation as great as that which confronted China when the People's Republic was established in 1949. China's efforts since then to 'make green the motherland' eclipse by far the afforestation efforts of any other country, with its extremes of climate. It was determined by the changes wrought in the landscape by continuous human occupation and cultivation over a long period than anywhere else in the world.

Only 5 per cent of China's land area remained under forest, and this was mainly in the south-west, much of which was inaccessible, and in the inhospitable north-east. The most important consequence of deforestation was that many of China's soils had been eroded by wind and water. Down the centuries, the principal rivers, silted by eroded soil, and dyked again and again, flowed well above the surrounding cultivated countryside. Scarcely a year passed without breached dykes, disastrous floods, lost crops, immense loss of life. Over most of China, too there was a chronic shortage of both industrial timber and fuelwood. The ruthless exploitation of the timber resources of the north-earst, started by Japanese concessionaires early in the twentieth century, accelerated during the Japanese occupation from 1931 on.

So the forestry problems which confronted the Chinese people and their government when the People's Liberation Army conquered the mainland in 1949 could hardly have been more serious. The Chinese Communist encouraged afforestation efforts well before 1949 in the 'liberated areas'. Tree-planting was an integral part of the Programme of Ten Small Points mounted in the Border Region in 1944.

The communist armies triumphed because they had the support of the peasants. The conditions which the rural population had endured for centuries were so wretched that the Red Armies and their policies of land redistribution were greeted with open arms. Step by step, peasants were urged to establish mutual aid teams, then cooperatives, leading finally to the setting up of communes. Party activists mobilized the rural population to raise the production of staple grains and to carry out the related giant tasks of 'making green the Motherland' and taming China's rivers.

The achievements have been immense-miraculous, in the eyes of some foreign observers. But the cost has been immense too; indeed, often unnecessarily high. It has been borne by hundreds of millions of hard working peasants, supported by the labour, voluntary or involuntary, of townspeople and 'intellectuals'. Much of that labour was enthusiastically volunteered; but much of it resulted from irresistible social pressure.

The wastage of the early years sprang from lack of professional expertise and experience. China had few trained foresters, and many of these fled the country in 1949. Most forestry experience had been built up in the forested areas of China; little was known about the afforestation of more difficult sites. Hence species were selected that were ill adapted to sites. Much of the seed used was of poor provenance. All the emphasis was on the number of trees planted; subsequent tending was almost universally neglected. The upshot was that survival rates were inevitably low. Richardson (1966), while acknowledging the scale of the effort, catalogued innumerable errors and shortcomings.

In interpreting what is happening in China, it is unwise to rely only on what the Chinese say about themselves. The tangle of ideological differences and factional rivalries which, time and again since 1949, have led to yesterday's heroes becoming today's villains and tomorrow's rehabilitees, continues to obscure offical utterances and statistics. However, forestry is in some ways easier to asses than other economic sectors. Trees can neither hide nor be put in place overnight. Thus any experienced and observant forester who has the opportunity of travelling widely, by plane, rail and road, can arrive at informed judgement. Thus a more informative picture of the people-tree relationship in China in the decades since 1949 emerges from piecing together the observations of the many individuals and delegations of professional foresters who have by now visited and travelled widely in China, than from the fluctuating and contradictory statements of the Chinese themselves.

Mao's Great Leap Forward (1958-60) nearly put some of the communes on their back, and it took time to recover. Some of the ideas had been positive in principle, for example the setting up of small industries at commune level to make use of locally available materials and mop up under-employed rural labour. But for the most part it led to unrealistic targets, confused objectives, technical inefficiency, and a serious setback in production. One example was the encouragement of local communes to establish small pulp and paper plants, based on whatever pulpable materials were at hand:rags, waste paper, agricultural residues and the like. Within a year or two most of these had been abandoned, the problem of controlling polluting effluent proving insoluble on that scale. The afforestation target set at this time -20 per cent forest cover by 1968-proved nonsense: indeed, it is not yet in sight.

By the early 1960s, the folly of some of the earlier megalomaniac afforestation claims was recognized, and a critical re-examination in professional and party journals brought about greatly improved practice. Afforestation continued, and suffered relatively little interruption during the upheavals of the Cultural Revolution after 1965. The peasants were still with the party, though communes, like factories, were now led and managed by 'revolutionary communes'. They may have been bemused by some aspects of the Cultural Revolution (why it was more important to be red than expert), as they were puzzled by the exhortations to anathematize Liu Shaoqui and Deng Xiaoping, then Lin Biao and Beethoven, and later on the Gang of Four. But trees coninued to be planted, with special emphasis on protection forestry and on creating locally available wood supplies, for both fuel and building purposes, in the agricultural communes, while amenity planting in the towns was encouraged. I myself, after a month's tour in 1974, concluded that 'China has succeeded in something which very few other countries have achieved, in establishing a truly effective and fruitful integration between agriculture and forestry. China's afforestation and scientific exchange visits. So much so that the 'Chinese model' was eventually deemed sufficiently important for it to be demonstrated, and China became a place of pilgrimage, hosting seminars and study tours for Third World officials, professionals and student.

How had the peasants' commitment to forestry been won originally? They trusted a government which had redistributed land, helped them set up schools, trained their bare-foor doctors. The 'round the house' tree planting programme they were asked to undertake comprised quick-growing species, with a harvest date in sight; the trees thus represented tangible accruing personal income just as much as the pigs they were raising in their back yard for eventual sale to the State purchasing office. Furthermore, forestry encompassed not only timber and fuel trees but also orchard trees and economic crops: tea oil, tung oil, nut and fruit trees, bamboo groves-each had its place where soil and climate were appropriate. Nor were peasants blind to the benefits of protection forestry. The increased yield behind shelter belts was measurable: they could see new land under crops after dune fixation, and could recognize the lower incidence of flood and erosion after protective afforestation.

The four modernizations

The Cultural Revolution lingered on through a bewildering variety of political changes, and was only finally declared at an end in August 1977. The Gang of Four was arrested after Mao's death in 1976, and Deng Xiaoping reassumed power in 1978-9. He was now free to set the 'four modernaizations' in motion. Systems of contract responsibility by peasant families were established, allowing them to sell or use their produce as they wished, after specified sales to the state. Agricultural prices were raised. Economic criteria for management decisions were emphasized, China joined the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and the Special Zones were set up. In other words in order to build 'the primary phase of socialism' some elements more associated with capitalism, and notably market forces, were henceforth to be invoked.

The results were spectacular, not all of them foreseen. Peasants' response to the responsibility system coupled with higher prices was intensified effort, a sharp increase in output, with supplementary crops like fruit and vegetables flowing into the free markets which sprang up. Individuals who had suffiicient land mobilized all the labour they could to step up yields. Those rural areas with adequate soils and climate and sufficient market outlets prospered. Within a few years peasants in such areas were enjoying a life style well above that of their urban compatriots. But meanwhile the commune system collapsed and enthusiasm for cooperative effort to maintain and expand social capital inevitably waned; among other things, rural afforestation declined in both quantity and quality.

Quite early on in the 'four modernization' there was awareness that all was not well on the forestry front. The Minister of Forests, speaking in October 1981, on 'The Situation in Forestry and Our Tasks', spelled out four major points:

1 Future forestry work to concentrate on afforestation and forest protection. Hitherto undue concentration on timber production had resulted in severe ecological disaster.

2 Have regard, both economically and ecologically, to the multipli functions and multiple benefits of the forest.

3 The influence of mistaken 'left' ideology in the past had dampened the enthusiasm of the peasants; hence low survival rates in afforestation. It was now necessary to emancipate the minds of the peasants and bring out their initiative.

4 Backwardness in forest science and technology must be overcome. The technical level must be raised, scientific management applied, forestry education popularized.

As Deng's reforms gathered forest, the ability or willingness to heed the Minister's four points recded. As the economy grew in the 1980s the rising needs for industrias timber were not being met. Between 1980 and 1985 timber imports into China rose to 10 million m3. Even more serious than this continued overcutting in China's best (though slow-growing) forest resource, was the fact that the effective timber utilization rate was no more than 23 per cent.

How had this come about? Richardson, revisiting Dailing in 1986 after an interval of over twenty years, was shocked by the changes he saw. What had once been a model of close utilization, albeit with primitive machinery, transport and organization, had now become an aggregation of technologically advanced forest extraction and wood processing units, in no way integrated, and badly and wastefully managed. In the meantime, the virgin forest had receded; it now took two days by road to reach the margin of the coniferous forests. The Research Institute had been turned into a hotel, and an exhibition hall of forest culture was being prepared for tourists. 'Soviet and North American models of forest industry development which the Chinese have adopted,' he observed, 'may be sensible in countries with vast forest resources....but they are sadly inappropriate in wood-starved China.' Clearly, the four modernizations had gone badly astray.

The reason why the points made by the Minister in 1981 and the concern expressed by the scientists in 1982 have gone unheeded is obvious; the need for operations to demonstrate economic profitability has over-ridden ecological consideration. It may be that the intention is to speedily clear the remaining primary forest, because of its slow growth, and replace it by plantations. But the planting rate in the north-east falls far, far short of replacement needs.

The environmental consequences of the current direction of China's development path are also likely to be serious. Nearly twenty years ago Norman Myers, for long consultant to the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), wrote with admiration of China's efforts to make use of all available materials, recyling, eliminating waste. That positive judgement was based on the fact that China then was a 'thrift' economy, rather than a fully environmentally conscious country. But there was even then plenty of evidence of serious atmospheric pollution in the industrial centres, and China's rivers, though flowing more evenly, thanks to afforestation and water conservancy works, were far from clean.

Those who have read of and applauded China's efforts, in collaboration with the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and the Worldwide Fund for Nature, to save the disappearing giant panda may be alarmed by one manifestation of the new reforms. In the quest for foreign exchange a company has been set up in the forested north-east to exploit the local game potential. Tourists are invited to a new luxury camp and permitted to hunt both protected and unprotected species, each trophy priced according to the quarry's rarity.

The reforms may have some positive aspects. Bare mountain land is now made available to individual househols, for tree planting and management, on long-term (thirty-to fifty-year) renewable, heritable leases. This may do something to revive rural afforestation. But most of China's achievements in creating social capital sprang-indeed, could only have sprung-from collective effort based on an awareness of the degree to which family benefit is indissolubly linked with collective benefit. Individual effort will not maintain and extend water conservancy work, nor will it complete the Great Green Wall. One-tenth of China's land surface, roughly 100 million ha in the north and northwest, is desert. It has been estimated that 13 million ha of this could be reclaimed and turned into farmland. It is hard to imagine that this can be accomplished without a revival of the collective enthusiasm and social pressures that went into creating the social capital which China has acquired since 1949.

Though dismayed by much of what he saw, Richardson (1986) nevertheless still felt able to endorse my own view in 1974: 'The most striking features are still the integration of forestry with agriculture and urban land use.' The changes presently underway, he believes, are irreversible. But China may yet surprise him, as it has surprised so many experts over the last half-century. Ever since the 1930s, Western business men have had their eyes on the huge potential market represented by China ('Oil for the lamps of China'). The recent opening up has rekindled their hopes. But the Chinese, even the sexagenarians who have replaced some of the octogenarians at the political power centre, are pragmatists above all. In their quest for Western technology, they are unlikely to let the Chinese economy run riot.

19 Cuba

Before the European assault described in chapter 12 almost the whole of Central America and the Caribbean countries were as green, well-wooded and fertile as a few parts of that area remain today. The few Amerindians who occupied the Caribbean islands when Europeans first set foot in the New World were hunter-gatherers whose impact on the forest cover was negligible. They were speedily exterminated as island after island fell to Europe's civilizing mission. Since those first forest clearances, afforestation has proceeded at different rates in the various countries. There are some countries where disaster situations have already arisen. Prospects are perhaps most grim for the people of Haiti, El Salvador, and the Dominican Republic. In these three countries forest cover related to total land area has fallen to 2,7 and

14 per cent respectively. In all three the concentration of land, wealth and power in the hands of a few, with a growing army of rural landless, means that the few remaining forests are under continuing pressure. Most piteous is the situation in Haiti, where the disappearance of the forests has carried most of the soil on the hills to the sea. Of all the countries in the Caribbean area, Cuba has made the greatest effort to check and reverse the march of deforestation.

It has been observed that, historically, clearance for sugar plantations has perhaps been the greatest single factor in tropical deforestation. It was sugar which swept away the Caribbean forests in turn: Barbados, the Leeward Islands, Jamaica and Haiti. Sugar reached Cuba relatively late. It was the slave rebellion in Haiti after 1791, mentioned in chapter 12, which left that country in ruins and sparked the sugar boom in Cuba.

When Cristobal Colon, the Genovese navigator, reached the north-east coast of Cuba in 1492 he was very impressed by the island's rich forests, A few years later, the priest Fray Bartoltme wrote that it was possible to walk from one end of the island to the other without leaving the shade of trees. Towards the end of the next century, Havana had become the leading shipbuilding centre in the Antilles, its output having included 128 warships for the Spanish navy. Though Spain had long dominated the seas, Spain itself as we saw in Part II, was running out of forest. After the deforestation provoked by the Romans, further forest destruction took place during the struggles against the Moors, and maintain the Spanish empire heavily taxed the temaining forest. (In the sixteenth centure the ships of the Spanish Armada amounted to some 300,000 registered tons, and for each ton about 20 m3 of high quality timber was needed. Wooden ships lasted no more than 15 to 20 years.) Thus already, by 1500, Spain needed to import timber. That is why Havana became an important shipbuilding centre.

Nevertheless, Cuba's forest recovered from these incursion, and at the beginning of the nineteenth centure still covered 9.9 million ha, about 90 per cent of the land area, But the sugar boom was begining and sugar-cane began to eat the forests. Fire and the axe were also used to clear forest for ranching, so that by the end of the centure forest cover had shrunk to 5.5 million ha. With the declaration of theRepublic in 1902, and the subsequent heavy penetration of the Cuban economy by US capital, the forests continued to shrink. Smallholders' lands were swallowed up by the latifundia and they were driven to eke out a living in the hills. Their struggle for survival there, along with the insatiable demand of the sugarmills for fuel, took heavy toll of the upland forests. Thus by 1946, forest cover was down to 1.3 million ha (or 11 per cent of the land area): a loss of nearly 5 million ha in less than half a centure. Such forests as then remained were of mediocre quality, since the progressive removal of the best trees down the centuries was in effect a process of anti-selection. Not until the overthrow of Batista in 1959 was there any serious attempt to protect or manage the forests or to replant. Many upland areas were seriously eroded. The fertility of some of the soils which had long carried sugar was declining.

In 1959, when Fidel Castro's movement overthrew the Batista regime, the Cuban economy was almost entirely dependent on sugar and tourism, the latter based largely on gambling, drugs and prostitution and centred on Havana. The loss of tourism, and the US blockade, meant even heavier dependence on sugar, with the main export market for that sugar cut off. The inevitable consequence was an even more radical shift in domestic policeies and increasing dependence on the socialist countries. While land reform and the tapid expansion of health and education facilities ensured popular support, many intellectuals and professionals who earlier on had welcomed the overthrow of the Batista regime now left Cuba.

The task facing the revolutionary government, of restoring forest cover in Cuba to the level needed to protect the watersheds and provide domestic wood resources, was far from easy, given the depleted state of the forest, the degree of erosion, and the considerable areas where the soil had already lost much of its fertility. It was hampered by the paucity of trained staff and the lack of relevant research.

However, the new government, unlike all its predecessors, recognized the significance for agriculture of adequate forest cover; but it was also obliged by the US blockade to lean more heavily on indigenous resources for meeting its timber needs. It embarked on an ambitious forestry programme, initiated the training of staff at both professional and technical level, and established forest research with a network of experimental stations in the field. Its planting programme was expanded by harnessing voluntary labour. However, as in China, much of the early effort was wasted as the result of elementary errors: seed of poor provenance, species ill-adapted to sites, over-emphasis on the number of trees planted and neglect of subsequent tending.

Moreover in the years immediately after 1959 there was no proper understanding of either the limited capacity of Cuba's remaining forests, or of the way in which wood requirements would grow as the Cuban economy changed direction. In the early 1960s forest production (150 000 m3), while meeting only half of wood needs, still involved overcutting. This prompted an increasing emphasis on achieving economies in the ways in which wood was used, a decision to reduce the annual cut to 45 000 m3 (corresponding to about a quarter of planned needs), and an expanded planting programme.

At the time of writing most of the upland areas in dire need of protective planting have been covered, though the forest resource is still far from being adequate to meet future wood needs, By the early 1980s the forest area had been stepped up to over 3 million ha, or 26 per cent of the lane area. This means that in the in the three decades which have elapsed since the Castro government took power, the annual net addition to the forest area has averaged about 10 000 ha. At the same time, a number of representative areas of native forest have been set aside as national parks. The lessons, positive and negative, which Cuba has learned in recent decades may prove valuable in due course for those countries in Central America and the Caribbean which today fine their hills deforested and their soils exhausted, in much worse plight than was Cuba in 1959.

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