(133-147) ºüÁü

(147-158)

Part ¥³ The main forest issues

23 The tropical forests

Forest cover is disappearing at a rate of more than 200000 ha per year in each of Brazil, Colombia, Indonesia, Mexico, Thailand, Ivory Coast, Ecuador, Nigeria, Peru and Malaysia. All these countries lie wholly or mainly in the tropics. The impression conveyed by the media in recent years, that the world^, s tropical forests are shrinking fast, is thus correct. There is room for argument about how fast they are disappearing. This, as explained in chapter 14, lies in the nature of the data presently available to us. But this database will steadily improve. Within a few years there will become available a much more precise picture of what is happening - more precise, but not necessarily more encouraging. In the case of the few countries for which we have comparable data over a sufficiently long period, the most recent data have shown that deforestation has been proceeding at a faster rate than had previously been estimated.

So varied are the forests which lie in the tropics that it is impossible to classify them in a manner which will satisfy all scientists. They differ according to altitude, latitude, amount and incidence of rainfall, nature of the underlying soil, past climatic history and the degree of human intervention.

Because of the constant references to tropical rainforests and to evergreen tropical forests there is a widespread belief that all forests in the tropics are rainforests and are highly heterogeneous, consisting of extremely complex webs of both flora and fauna.

They are thus seen as fragile and vulnerable, so that the slightest intervention from outside can put the whole system in peril. This is not true. Not all moist tropical forests are evergreen, nor are all tropical forests moist. Indeed, the drier and more open tropical forest formations, together with the shrubland into which they merge (and which still falls under the definition of forest) are not only almost as extensive ; many more people live in or near them and are dependent upon them. The drier tropical forests are even more cutely threatened, and their shrinkage should give us equal cause for concern. The problems encountered there are if anything more serious than those in the tropical moist forest, on which we concentrate in this chapter.

Tropical moist forest

Tropical moist forest(TMF) is not a very satisfactory term, but it is one which has now won widespread acceptance. It includes the closed high forests lying in the tropical belt where there is either year-round rainfall, or only a short dry season of not more than four months.(The word 'closed', it will be recalled from chapter 14, means that the canopy covers at least 20 per cent of the land surface, not that it is complete.) TMF include both wet rainforest and dryland forest formations, monsoon forests, mountain rain and cloud forests, and mangroves. Nearly all these forests consist of broadleaved species, coniferous forests accounting for less than 3 per cent.

Thus the broad category TMF comprehends hundreds of different ecosystems, many of which are today under threat. It represents 1.6 billion ha out of the world^, s total of 3 billion ha of tropical forest. But a quarter of this area(410 million ha) is forest fallow, either under crops or recovering from shifting cultivation. Of the balance, over 200 million ha have already been logged, with rather less than a billion ha still virgin. Of the TMF not yet logged, about two-thirds is believed to hold commercial timber prospects, the other third being considered non-productive or inaccessible.

At least that was how things were in 1980, according to such evidence as was available to international experts. Those familiar with the evolution of events in countries possessing the largest areas of TMF suspect that as new data become available and are analysed, a more serious rate of shrinkage will be revealed.

Concern about the disappearance of the TMF has spread rapidly since the 1960s.

One of the reasons for this is that these forests contain most of the many millions of species of flora and fauna as yet unidentified, and therefore not assessed from the standpoint of their potential value to us : as foods, as pharmaceuticals, as raw materials for industry.

These forests contain 90 per cent of all primates, and on present estimates, 60 per cent of all plant species and 80 per cent of all insect species.

Many of what are today the world^, s staple foods originated in the TMF, and modern pharmaceutical industries are based largely on plant materials extracted from these forests.

These forests contain the wild cousins of important and long-domesticated food and industrial plants. These wild cousins are crucial for the continuous plant breeding which alone can ensure vigour and resistance to disease in the domesticated plants on which the world has come to depend.

This argument, forcefully presented by Norman Myers in his books 'The Sinking Ark'(1979) and 'The Primary Resource'(1984), cannot be contested. But it is possible to overstate it. One hectare of Peruvian rainforest may have revealed a count of 41000 insect species but it does not necessarily follow that preserving all these should be a first priority. It is in the mature of evolution that hundreds, and more probably thousands, of species become extinct every year. Moreover, the earth is not a clock which can be stopped until all its parts have been exmined. The past has generated present pressures which limit the scope for determining the future. Whether we like it or not, there are substantial areas of TMF which will inevitably disappear in the coming decades. But that does not absolve us from the responsibility for determining how much, and which, ought to be preserved, and how best to preserve it.

Another argument is that the disappearance of the TMF will bring about changes in the composition of the earth^, s atmosphere which could have serious, even catastrophic, consequences for the configuration of the continents, the climate, and the earth^, s food-producing capacity. This argument has focused mainly on what has been described as the greenhouse effect. The burning of the forests, it is argued, drives up the amount of atmospheric carbon, diminishing heat radiation from the earth^, s surface, bringing about a gradual rise in temperature, the melting of the polar ice caps, and a steady rise in the sea level. The consequence would be massive, and probably disastrous, changes in local climates.

How far forest shrinkage contributes to the rise in atmospheric carbon is as yet far from clear. It is known that the amount of carbon in the atmosphere is going up year by year, by roughly half the amount which is being pumped into it annually by the burning of fossil fuels. Undoubtedly, the rise in atmospheric carbon is a serious matter and warrants more intensive research than has so far been undertaken.

But the most important and immediate reason for attempting to stem the shrinkage of the TMFs is the devastating effect their disappearance has on the lives of those who live in and near them, on those who depend on them, directly or indirectly. These latter include millions who may live a thousand or more kilometers away from the forests, even in different countries. The periodic floods in Bangladesh have their root cause in deforestation which extends as far as the distant Himalayas.

More directly, contemporary deforestation in the tropics does not merely involve the erosion of rights in the forest ; it involves genocide - the deliberate destruction of the habitat of forest-dwelling peoples, with the hunting down of such as dare resist.

So it does matter that the TMFs are disappearing. But those who want to help save them need to understand which ones are disappearing, and why. The reader will already have glimpsed, from the country profiles presented in part ¥², that the issues involved are more complex than they appear at first sight. The problem is not simply that the numbers of people living in the tropical forested countries are increasing. Nor is it simply that the appetite of the affluent countries for tropical woods has become more avid. If measures are to be devised to halt contemporary tropical deforestation, it is necessary to examine more closely the processes which underlie the shrinkage.

Is the TMF a renewable resource?

While most tropical forests are highly heterogeneous, not all are. There are several types of tropical forest which present no insuperable technical problems to their exploitation on a sustainable basis.

There are different kinds of heterogeneity. We can have a tropical forest in which hundreds of different species are found in a given square kilometer, yet with that same kind of mix persisting over thousands of square kilometres. Or we can have a given mix in one place, and a completely different mix just a few kilometres away. Much depends on the topography and the underlying soils. The latter type of heterogeneity presents greater problems than the former. The TMF is not one single ecosystem, but many hundreds different ecosystem. And the lamentable fact is that, as was pointed out in chapter 6, little or nothing is known about how to renew or replace most of them. The reason less is known about many tropical forests than about the surface of the moon is that so few resources have so far been devoted to learning about them and finding out how to manage them.

Some scientists have argued that the TMF is not a renewable resource, as are most other forests; that science has failed to provide us with any clear ideas on how to manage these forests; and that therefore they should be left intact and guarded from any human intervention. This is not a view shared by the two international foresters with the widest experience of the technical and economic aspects of managing TMF : an Englishman John Wyatt - Smith, and an Australian, Alf Leslie. Both, however, recognize the conditions which must be satisfied if sustained management is to succeed; similarly, both are fully aware that these conditions are rarely satisfied in practice. The former has observed that 'It is virtually impossible to manage forest effectively, least of all TMF, without a declared and firmly committed national forest policy. The production cycle of TMF goods and services is too long to endure either vacillation or sudden change in policy.' This is one reason why less than 3 per cent of TMF is even claimed to be under management.

It may be true that, in many types of tropical moist forests, there is no conceivable kind of intervention or manipulation which would ensure that the forest would renew itself exactly as it was before. But intervention can be so controlled that the forest does renew itself, though perhaps with changed composition. Indeed, it can be 'improved', that is, its value can be enhanced for human use, by appropriate intervention. Species deemed valuable can be encouraged, and unwanted species discouraged. Manipulations of this kind may not be easy and they are unlikely to be cheap. The unhappy fact is that for many tropical forest ecosystems no effort has yet been made to discover what manipulations would be appropriate, and how much they would cost.

But what is incontestable is that there are certain practices, especially in the methods used for getting timber out, which everyone knows perfectly well are destructive of the forest, which ruin the forest_`s capacity to renew itself, and which should be banned. It may not yet always be clear exactly what should be done; but both experience and common sense have provided sound notions of what should not be done. In practice this knowledge is rarely applied. Not only are few attempts made to renew or replace the forest, the logging methods used almost everywhere in the tropics are such as to destroy or degrade the forest. The available knowledge is not applied, for the same reason that 'manageable' tropical forests are not managed. That reason has to do with the way in which tropical woods are marketed and priced. For there are several types of forests in the tropics which are 'manageable', in the sense that they could be harvested regularly without destroying the forest's capacity to renew itself.

Tropical forests we could manage

Some of the forests in south-east Asia which first attracted timber traders and foreign governments consist largely of shorea species, or of dipterocarp species which are closely related and have similar wood properties, so that a high proportion of trees in the forest are marketable. Similarly, there are considerable areas of okoume forests in Gabon which are uniform and easily exploitable. For obvious reasons it is these less heterogeneous kinds of forest, with a high proportion of marketable species, which are first exploited. That is why Thailand is on the verge of becoming a net forest products importer. For the same reasons many of the forests of peninsular Malaysia are also disappearing. Methods of managing these relatively simple forests in a sustainable way have been devised. All too rarely have they been applied.

There are other forest types in the tropics which present no major problems for sustainable management. Some tropical and subtropical forests consist mainly of conifers. They are mostly at higher altitudes, and they occur in both Asia and Central America. Though enough is known about most of these to make it possible to manage them on a sustainable basis, in practice very few are. Most of the more accessible of the forests have already been cleared or have been badly depleted. This process continues today over most of Central America, so much so that there is a serious danger that some rare pine species which might have proved brilliant exotics in other environments will become extinct before their potential has been tested. This is no flight of fancy. The large, expanding and successful forest product export industries of Chile and New Zealand are entirely based on artificial forests of Monterey pine, a tree of poor form and only moderate growth in its very restricted native habitat, the Monterey Peninsula in California.

Mangroves under threat

There is justification for considering as 'manageable' the mangrove forests, those dense low-growing forests that border many tropical and subtropical coastlines and tidal rivers. Mangroves root in river-borne silt and can withstand saline water, and can be regarded as arbiters of land and sea. Though there are many hundreds of species their form and habitat are closely similar. Their wood is used as fuel, for charcoal, for tanning, and for innumerable native crafts. The trees are usually too small or of too poor form for conversion into sawnwood or plywood, although they can be chipped and used for various kinds of reconstituted wood. But by far their most important function is as a food source and breeding ground for fish. Many riverain peoples in south-east Asia depend on mangrove forests and use them in a sustainable way. If they are overexploited, the consequences may be dire indeed. This is clearly demonstrated by what has happened in Vietnam, where US forces destroyed hundreds of thousands of hectares of mangrove forest with Agent Orange and napalm. Efforts to regenerate or replant have met with scant success. It had been hoped that the forests would recover within decades, but it seems that the lasting effects of poisoned soil had been underestimated; scientists now believe it may take centuries.

'Arbiters between land and sea' : it is still not clear whether mangroves are land-reclaimers, colonizing newly deposited silt, or erosion-retarders, resisting the inroads of river and sea currents. It could even be that they play whichever role local circumstances dictate. Certain it is, however, that massive uncontrolled inroads into mangrove forests for wood chipping could have untold adverse consequences. Already wood-hungry pulp industries have started chipping some Asian mangrove forests. This is a practice which should be immediately halted. Though mangroves attract little attention from the media, they have a significant ecological role to play and many indigenous peoples depend on them.

So there are some kinds of tropical forest which are relatively simple-from the standpoint of sustainable management, that is. Why, then, are almost none sustainably managed? The answer has to do with the ways in which timber is taken out of the tropical forests, and how that timber is priced.

Loggers, past and present

FAO has estimated that over two-thirds of the destruction in the tropical moist forest stems from the activities of loggers, either directly or indirectly. This is only a very crude estimate, since it is not easy to distinguish the indirect consequences of logging from other socioeconomic factors. The popular view is that the timber barons are principally to blame for the disappearance of the tropical forests, a view strengthened by television scenes of chain saws mowing down vast swathes of tropical forest like a harvester passing through a field of corn. The clear-felling of tropical forests by loggers has happened on occasion, but it has happened very rarely. Such scenes certainly are not, and never have been, typical.

Most exploitation for timber in the tropics in the early days was for highly prized species unobtainable elsewhere. The mahogany hunters and the cedar-getters have already been mentioned. Other important tropical woods which became the target of logging for export were the greenheart of what then was British Guiana (resistant to marine borers, and thus valued for marine piling until the invention of salt-resistant cement), and teak and similar species from south and south-east Asia for ship timber, railway sleepers and furniture.

So long as the loggers concentrated on highly prized species scattered sparsely through the forest, their activities had relatively little impact on the forest as a whole, even though they depleted the hunted species and damaged other trees while felling and hauling out the logs. When, however, they turned their attention to those forests rich in species for which there was a growing market, their depredations became more serious.

But the important thing which has to be understood is that never, since tropical forests were first exploited for timber, has the price of that wood been determined by what it cost to renew or replace it; it has been determined only by the profit which could be made in selling it on the market after allowance for getting it out of the forest and to the market. The same was true of the temperate and boreal forests until relatively recent times. The shift to management came about only when wood became scarcer and therefore dearer, and when forestry science had advanced sufficiently to enable the forests to be managed as a renewable resource. Even today there are some temperate and boreal forests which are not managed.

To explain the intensified assault on the tropical forests after World War ¥±, some have argued that the giant timber industry interests, having exhausted the temperate forests, thereupon moved on into the tropics. In fact, as we saw in chapter 14, the temperate forests have not been exhausted. Europe¡Çs forests, until the relatively recent impact of such factors as acid rain, were in better shape than they have been for a century: more extensive, better managed, more productive. North American forests, too, have been steadily brought under more effective management, and are still supplying less than their potential sustainable capacity. The timber barons moved decisively into the tropics after World War ¥± not because timber supplies in the temperate zones were exhausted, but because it was possible to obtain in the tropics either wood which they could not obtain elsewhere or wood which, for the purposes for which they intended to use it, was cheaper than wood they could obtain from elsewhere. No longer is the logger¡Çs interest in the tropical forests confined to precious hardwoods. Today those forests are exploited not simply for rare and precious woods, but for woods which might fairly be described as run-of-the-mill.

The boom in tropical wood exports after World War ¥± certainly owed much to rising affluence in Europe, North America and Japan, with the consequent rise in demand for furniture and similar durable goods. But it also rested in part on advances in wood technology which broadened the raw material base of the wood industries. Thus, much of the wood exported was not particularly precious wood, but rather utility hardwoods used for joinery manufacture, or as the face or even core veneer in plywood. It became profitable to import non-'precious' woods from the tropics for the very simple reason that their price continued to be related not to the cost of renewing or replacing them, but only to the cost of getting them to market. With wood prices rising relative to prices generally, and with the market willing to take species and dimensions it formerly despised, greater volumes of timber could be taken out of each hectare. Thus the impact of infrastructural costs(such as road building) on each cubic metre was reduced. The growing market and technological advance combined to make more of the tropical forest usable and saleable.

This does not mean that mixed tropical forests were clear felled for industrial use, although more could be taken out of each hectare. This has occurred only when there has been a market available for mixed tropical hardwood chips for the manufacturer of paper, board or reconstituted wood. In spite of developments in specialized ocean transporters and wood chip handling equipment, it 'pays' to clear-fell and chip mixed tropical forests only if the timber standing in the forest is virtually given away. In the few cases where this has happened, it has been because the government concerned has wanted the forest cleared : either to convert it to agricultural use or to replace it by tree plantations. Thus the JANT operation in Papua New Guinea(PNG), sad as it was, was atypical. Here a company jointly owned by the PNG government and a Japanese transnational cleared and chipped TMF, exporting the wood chips to Japan in ships owned by the transnational parent company(figure 23.1 and 23.2). The only measure of chip volume was the ship captain¡Çs declaration. The operation continued for more than ten years without the jointly owned subsidiary ever declaring a profit. Unsurprisingly, the replanting that was to be conducted was never undertaken, on the grounds that the land title was not clear. This, of course, was known from the outset; the dislodged tribes have appeared on Western television screens. The final irony is that the indigenous peoples are now being allowed back into what was their forest to establish their gardens on the understanding that they simultaneously plant trees and move on once these are established.

The clear-felling of tropical forests may be atypical, but the loggers¡Ç assault on them has undoubtedly intensified. How did it happen that the tropical forests were exploited for timber at an accelerating rate in the post-war decades, with so little regard for the action necessary to ensure that the forests were renewed or replaced?

Partners in pillage

As the demand for tropical wood soared the governments of many countries possessing tropical forests rushed to cash in on this new bonanza. The right to exploit millions upon millions of hectares of forests was handed over to concessionaires. The terms of the concessions left much to be desired since the parties negotiating them were unequal. The clauses which governed the operator¡Çs responsibility towards the forest were often so vague as to be meaningless; the governmental forest services were too small, often badly trained, always badly paid, and utterly incapable of controlling the operator and ensuring that the terms of the concession were observed. Thus the damage inflicted on the forests was much greater than it need have been, while the sums which did reach the national exchequer represented only a fraction of the benefit which should have flowed from the disposal of the national heritage.

The tropical hardwood trade has always been one which lent itself to deception and dubious practices. It requires a good deal of experience and expertise to discern, either in the standing tree, or in the cut log, whether on the forest floor or piled at the quay, the ultimate value of the timber it contains. Royalties-the amounts paid by the concessionaire to the forest owner(normally the central or local government)-are usually based on the volume, species and log quality of the timber taken out. Thus profits can be piled up if logs are undermeasured, undergraded in an inferior species category. These malpractices flourish where forest services lack staff who are qualified and who can afford to be honest. The prices paid for logs as they come out of the forest in no way reflect the great disparities between the final values of those logs when they reach the hands of those who will finally process them. A great deal of the 'cake' to be found in the forest changes hands at the price of 'bread'.

Because in many underdeveloped countries there is a shortage of national enterprises with the requisite financial resources, technical background and marketing expertise, opera ions are frequently confided to joint ventures, partnerships between transnationals (the de facto controllers of the operations)and dishonest local figures wielding political influence. Even in cases where the local partner in a joint venture is honest, the country with the forest resource can find itself cheated : the joint venture can go on showing little or no profit year after year, while the overseas parent transnational thrives on underpriced wood purchased from its subsidiary.

It would be possible to fill a book with examples of these unsavoury aspects of the tropical timber trade. The reason for mentioning them here is to emphasize that there is no point in pillorying only the transnationals, the global timber barons, for the pillage of the tropical forest resources in the underdeveloped world. They are able to inflict damage only where they can win or buy the consent and collaboration of people of influence inside the forested tropical countries. Whatever the intentions of the latter, however, they are always subjected by the unequal world economic order to tremendous pressures to produce foreign exchange.

Damage from logging operations

The most serious damage occurs where the logging operation destroys the water-holding capacity of the soil; on steep slopes this can be disastrous. In most tropical countries there are areas of upland cloud forest and rainforest which ought to be permanently reserved because any disturbance can bring about erosion, floods and landslides on the lower slopes and in the valleys- sometimes of a magnitude to sweep away or bury whole villages. To admit logging operators into these areas makes the conceding authority guilty of being an accessory before the fact of manslaughter. The mud avalanches on the Andean slopes which were reported by Western television were not natural disasters: they were manmade. They were the consequences of reckless deforestation; they could have been avoided.

Even in those forest areas that are not so vulnerable that logging should be rigorously excluded, there are still a number of precautions that should always be observed when forests are exploited. Open areas should be of limited size and duration, damage to regrowth kept as low as possible, soil compaction avoided, interference with the natural forest d?ainage kept to a minimum. After logging, any measures necessary to ensure regrowth, including replanting, should be undertaken without delay. It is what happens during and after logging that determines whether and how the forest will be renewed, and its future composition. These measures are costly. Even if they are set out in the terms of the concession they are rarely carried out by the concessionaire. The national forest services lack the means, the power or the support to impose any control. Still less do they possess the resources to ensure forest renewal themselves. But, resources apart, the root cause of these abuses is that in most Third World countries political power rests in the hands of people more interested in facilitating exploitation than in controlling it. The corrupt involvement of the Indonesian military in forestry is notorious; but Indonesia ia not alone. A substantial part of the world¡Çs tropical forest has already been converted into money in Swiss bank accounts.

Perhaps the most destructive aspect of 'cut and run' in the tropical forests is that the roads opened up by the loggers provide avenues of penetration for the rural landless. The expulsion, by fair means or foul, of small farmers from the better soils in order to make way for plantation type and usually export-oriented agriculture, generates armies of landless people. These peasants are augmented by changes in crops grown and techniques employed, and by switches to ranching, all of which add unemployed rural wage labour to the ranks of the dispossessed. Their number are on the increase in almost all tropical countries, and the landless poor already constitute the majority of the rural population in some. They represent the principal instruments of tropical forest destruction today, an indirect impact of the loggers¡Çactivities which is even more destructive of the TMF than the logging itself.

Thus the domestic partners in the pillage of the tropical forest consist not only of those who facilitate, join in, or condone the ruthless and reckless exploitation of the forests for timber; they also include all those forces in society which, by denying access to land and water resources to the many, retaining it in the hands of the few, oblige the growing army of landless people to press further into the forest.

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