From forests to farms

There are those who argue that all the TMFs stand on soils which are fragile, so thst the conversion of the forests to agricultural purposes, even if possible in the short run, will be catastrophic in the long run. They are mistaken. There are many parts of the tropical world where permanent and sustainable agriculture is today being practised on land which was once covered by tropical forest. It is therefore quite likely there are still some forested areas which can be safely concerted. But all depends on the kind of agriculture and how it is practised. There have already been many cases where disaster has followed on clearance, and these cases are today converted, any further transfers of TMF to agriculture require that specific precautions be taken if that conversion is to succeed. These precautions are not being taken. Forests are being converted to farmland more rapidly than ever, and in nearly all cases to agricultural systems which are not sustainable. The fragility and vulnerability of many tropical forests does not lie in the complexity of the ecosystem. Complexity is not necessarily a weakness: it may even increase the ecosystem's capacity for self-adjustment. The vulnerability stems from the rapidity of nutrient cycling and the nature of the underlying soils. Where temperatures are high and moisture is adequate, biological activity is also high. This means that decaying nutrients are quickly recycled, so that a very high proportion of the total biomass is above ground in the growing vegetation, while the soil itself contains little humus. The apparent luxuriance of the above-ground vegetation often belies the poverty of the underlying soil. If for any reason a clearing appears in the forest, there is little ground protection; heavy rains can leach out essential minerals as well as erode soils. The hot sun can dry thin bare soils to a brick-like consistency.

Even so, down the centuries, peasants have worked out ways and means of gardening unpromising tropical forest soils: either by forms of itinerant agriculture, or by careful attention to retaining shade, maintaining soil cover, and renewing fertility. Today these systems are breaking down. Shifting cultivators find themselves cut off from areas of forest they were wont to use, and compressed into ever more limited areas; forest fallows are shortened, and the land must be cultivated again before it has had time to recover its fertility. Settled peasant cultivators find themselves obliged to discard traditional cropping systems in order to grow cash crops. More ominously, as we have seen, a new and growing army of dispossessed and landless families is invading the forest. Faced with the alternative of flocking to the shanty towns around the main cities where they may pick up some parasitic means of existence, or of moving further into the forest to clear a patch of ground from which they may scratch a living, they opt for the latter. They are not shifting cultivators in the traditional sense: forest dwellers who down the ages have learned how to clear, till, harvest and move on, leaving the forest a long enough period of fallow to recover before returning to clear and work that patch again. The new army is of shifted cultivators. Unlike the shifting cultivators, the shifted cultivators find themselves on soils very different from those they knew, and frequently of low fertility. Their experience and traditions are not adapted to the new environment in which they find themselves, so their impact on the soil is more destructive. Their hopes of establishing themselves are vain. Within a year or two they are obliged to leave the patch they have laboriously cleared, and push further into the forest.

Hardly better is the plight of those families who find themselves transferred under official settlement or transmigration programmes. Schemes designed to clear substantial areas of tropical forest for permanent agriculture often overlook the lessons which peasants have learned in the course of centuries, with the disastrous consequence that agriculture cannot be sustained nor can the forest recover.

However, the fact that most of the conversion of tropical forest to farmland which is taking place today is unsuccessful does not mean that all such conversions must necessarily fail. To date there has been all too little research into the composition and structure of tropical forest soils, and the possibilities they hold for varying types of agriculture. Most of the investigations carried out under colonial regimes were concerned only with locating soils which might support plantations of export crops. Very seldom were they directed to ascertaining the best ways of growing staple foods on which the indigenous peoples depended. By way of example, when Mozambique gained its independence, virtually the only usable information about Mozambican forests available to the new government after centuries of Portuguese rule was indirect information included in the report of a team of botanists sent out from Lisbon to locate areas suitable for growing cotton for export.

Until recently most scientists believed that only very limited areas in the Amazon basin would eventually prove capable of supporting sustainable agriculture. Recent research provides hope of a more optimistic assessment. Certain soil types have been shown to suffer from particular mineral deficiencies which can be put right both easily and cheaply. Laboratory work, followed by experimental and then demonstration plots, has led to the to the successful installation of small-scale farming on some areas formerly regarded as useless. Although the breakthrough is a very limited one (applicable to only a tiny percentage of the Amazon basin soils), it is significant in pointing to the prospects that may be opened up by more intensive and better directed research.

The spread of agriculture over the earth's surface is closely bound up with forest clearance. Even in the temperate zones, it took centuries for farmers to learn that trees were not their implacable enemy, that some measure of tree cover was absolutely necessary for crop cultivation and animal husbandry. There are substantial areas in both the north and south temperate zones which bear witness to past errors and which are still incapable of supporting either crops or animals. But the errors which are being committed today in the tropical forested countries are occurring much more rapidly and will have more devastating consequences. As yet the effort being put into devising and disseminating sustainable agricultural systems adapted to tropical forest soils is negligible. Meanwhile, the available good land already cleared is in the hands of the rich and powerful few, and is largely devoted to growing plantation export crops or to ranching-growing the wrong crops for the wrong people.

A highly skewed distribution of wealth and land is characteristic of nearly all the tropical forested countries, and is often a central factor in the destruction of their forests. Rich and powerful landowners in Brazil, for example, continue to extend their estates by legal trickery and often aided by their own private armies. Those whom they dipossess have served their purpose. They have carried out the back-breaking task of clearing the forest. It is now ready for takeover by ranching interests. The dislodged peasants are obliged to move deeper into the forest and start clearing once again. Thus aspects of the history of the temperate forests in Europe are today repeating themselves in accelerated forms in the tropical forests. The dispossessed may still have their own folk heroes, outlaws who have formed bands and sought to mete out rudimentary justice: the modern counterparts of Robin Hood and Eustache li Moine(see chapter 11). But, to date, neither peasant associations nor rural trade unions-even with the backing of country priests-have succeeded in halting the theft of land.

Population pressure and the tropical forest

The spectacle of tropical forests being invaded by the landless has led many to believe that sheer population pressure is the principal cause of tropical deforestation. But the most rapid clearance of tropical forests today is taking place in Brazil, a country twice the size of Europe, immensely rich in natural resources, and with a population only one quarter that of Europe. Thus to attribute tropical deforestation to population pressure alone is to argue that spots cause measles. It is useless to blame the peasant for haplessly multiplying. Paradoxically, they must multiply to survive. The tropical forest cannot be saved by distributing IUDs and condoms.

This is not to say that there is no population problem. But real population problems are not simply the result of a ratio between numbers of people and quantity of resources, but come from much more complex interactions. These include the terms on which people have access to the available resources and the way in which the rapid growth of population (as opposed to its actual size) produces pressures for more consumption and less investment, thus reducing the society's ability to protect its forest and other resources. A number of the countries with tropical forests do have a serious population problem. But the contemporary clearance of tropical forest does not solve those problems. At best it postpones them for a little while; at worst it amplifies them and greatly complicates the search for solutions. Thus the policy of transferring hundreds of thousands from the Brazilian north-east to the Amazon was conceived not to relieve the situation of the poverty-stricken landless, but to avoid the redistribution of resources through land reform and the investment in support services that would have been required to help them where they were. The north-east was and is overpopulated in the sense that, under the existing land ownership, distribution and cropping systems, and with many of its soils badly degraded, it cannot feed the people who live there. The opening up of the Amazon has done nothing to solve the problems of the north-east, and it has generated new problems in the Amazon which in the long term will be even more difficult to resolve.

Similarly, Indonesia's grandiose transmigration programmes are always presented as schemes to relieve the intense pressure on the land in overpopulated Java and Bali by developing the thinly populated outer islands and the underdeveloped parts of Sumatra. The outer islands include West Papua (formerly Dutch, then occupied by Indonesia whose sovereignty was confirmed by a dubious UN plebiscite) and Timor (unlawfully occupied when the Portuguese regime collapsed). The transmigration schemes (heavily dependent on World Bank support) have in fact a multiple aim. They seek to evade land reform in the main islands, Where there is uneven distribution of landownership and growing numbers of landless; they seek to relieve overcrowded prisons by shipping out(of harm's way) thousands of criminals, petty delinquents, and people deemed potentially subversive; they seek to extend Indonesian settlement and assure political and military domination of territories newly acquired or conquered; and they seek to stamp out any resistance or impediment to this last objective.

So far as most of the lands on which the migrants are dumped are concerned, the very fact that they have not been commandeered in earlier times by the colonial powers is already an indication that they are inferior for most forms of agriculture. The sparse population, the scattered settlements, and the 'primitive' cultures of the indigenes (for example, of the Day¸¸ in Kalimantan and of the Asmats in West Papua) represent adaptations to the poverty of the soils. Only rarely are the transmigrants provided with means to live other than simple tools for land clearance, food to sustain them to the first harvest, and a minimum allocation of seed. And rarely is there prior effort to ascertain whether the land to be cleared lends itself to sustainable agriculture, or how traditional practices of cropping and working the land need to be modified. Most often the migrants are left without support services of any kind. Where the soils are particularly low in fertility, some migrants fail to survive, some carve their way deeper into the forest, and some flee the land and congregate around the urban settlements, while a few succeed in making their way back to the main islands.

Should the land carry any sizeable amount of marketable timber, that may already, in some cases, have been extracted by the loggers. Both loggers and migrants impinge upon, then collide with, the indigenes' interests and means of life. The genocide now proceeding in Indonesia's outer islands and occupied territories is both direct and indirect: direct by military repression, indirect through destruction of habitat.

In most of the countries where substantial areas of TMF remain, the problem is not simply one of too many people: it is that too many people are being obliged to wrest a living from poor soils while elsewhere large areas of land lie unused, underused, or wrongly used. The pressure on the forests stems from the unwillingness of those holding power to pursue policies which accord a more equal access to land and water resources and accord priority to crops which ensure that their own people are fed.

Governments which treat the tropical forest as a land bank, and which sponsor transmigration or settlement schemes as a means of evading the demands of the landless for a more equitable distribution of resources, are responsible for contemporary tropical forest destruction. In the longer term, some existing tropical forest should and must be converted to farm land. Until such governments carry out the land reforms to which so many of them are pledged, that conversion will be grossly excessive, irresponsible, irrational and piecemeal. But in the process the tropical forests will disappear. Land reform would win the time needed to conduct the research, experimentation and demonstration that will enable sustainable agricultural and agroforestry systems to be established on soils presently carrying tropical forest.

Meanwhile, there are millions now living on the edge of famine in tropical countries that once were well forested but from which the forests have now virtually disappeared: in south Asia, for example, and in some of the countries of Central America and the Caribbean. Bangladesh typifies the former, Haiti the latter. Though climatically very different, in both forest depletion has led to declining fertility, either through heavy soil erosion or failure to retain river-borne silt. In both, the process has been accelerated by the heavily skewed distribution of land. In both, any hope of rendering the land capable of growing enough food to support its people at a minimum level will require much more than agrarian reform and family planning campaigns. In these countries, as in so many of the drier tropical forested countries, the most urgent 'development' task is to stop matters getting worse. Haiti will continue to lose its surplus population by starvation or by boat until programmes aimed at land rehabilitation and countering soil erosion are well advanced; tree planting will form an essential part of these schemes. But no land rehabilitation programmes can succeed without land redistribution. Similarly, famines will recur in Bangladesh without tree planting for flood control, for fuelwood supply, and for integrating food and fodder trees into small-scale cultivation farming. But a precondition of these measures being effective is that the rural landless and the small peasants have an enduring stake in the land.

Deforestation and genocide

We have seen that it is social relations, not simply the pressure of numbers, which is destroying the tropical forests. These same processes are bringing about the genocide of indigenous forest dwellers.

Today there are few remaining areas of tropical forest without some human presence. Where humans exist as scattered groups of palaeolithic hunter-gatherers or primitive societies of itinerant gardeners, they can be regarded as part and parcel of the ecosystem within which they live. If they are left alone, if they are given sufficient space, their impact on the forest is negligible. It would be nonsense to demand that they should be swept out of the forest, even from the standpoint of ensuring that tropical forest genetic resources be preserved.

But cases where indigenous forest dwellers have remained immune from exogenous influences are now very rare indeed. The examples given in Part III showed that the numbers of these peoples are now in rapid decline because of new pressures on the space they occupy, pressures which are the consequence of government policies. In countries where large areas of cultivable land lie unused or underused, it would seem reasonable to earmark and reserve to them sufficient tropical forest for their needs. But it is in those same countries that the rural landless are pushed into the forest and into direct collision with more primitive forest dwellers.

Several organizations, including Survival International, have campaigned on behalf of these people in recent years, and some tribes have discovered their own voices. But it is as difficult for sympathetic outsiders to formulate their demands as it is for them to reach a consensus among themselves. Obviously, there are certain aspects of their present way of life which many forest dwellers want to retain. But few of them wish to remain as living museums or field stations for anthropologists, still less to reject all material benefits which come from outside. Most of those who still survive accept that in the long run they will have to adapt to new ways of living. Meanwhile, they object to being chased from what they regard as their land.

A genuine land reform may assuage land hunger; it will not necessarily eradicate it. But if priority is given to satisfying domestic food needs, if methods of increasing yields from the land are worked out and demonstrated, if peasants are given sufficient incentives in terms of crop prices and goods available for purchase, the urgency of bringing move land under the plough can be deferred. That means that more time is available for indigenous hunter-gatherers or shifting cultivators to be won to a more settled existence.

Can international action save the tropical forests?

The history of efforts to halt the shrinkage of the tropical forest by intergovernmental action goes back nearly two decades. Though each step has been hailed by conservationists as marking a positive response to their widening campaign, that history can more fairly be described as a series of loudly trumpeted non-events. Some of the problems involved are illustrated by two of the most recent initiatives-the formation of the International Tropical Forest Action Plan.

The latter, drawn up by the World Resources Institute in collaboration With a number of international agencies including the World Bank, has been described by Catherine Caufield, writing in the New Scientist, as a 'jet set' environmentalist's solution to the tropical forest problem which fails to take account of the interests of those who live in and near the forests. The plan seeks to double current spending on creating timber and fuelwood plantations, planting trees to bind eroded hillsides and encouraging local people in the tropics to farm in a way that does not destroy their environment. Desirable objectives, it would seem. But current expenditure on anti-erosion planting and on helping local people is negligible. And the latter objective becomes meaningless unless the circumstances which oblige local people to destroy their environment are understood, and measures are taken to change them.

One of the ideas under discussion is that a fund should be set up to compensate governments which agree to set aside and maintain specific areas of tropical forest, the compensation being related to estimated revenues forgone. It would be irresponsible to allocate such funds without obtaining guarantees that the reserver forests would be open to full and free inspection at all times by members of an independent international panel. Without the controls, an offer of compensation against desisting from logging is, in most of these countries, more likely to get logging operations started in new areas (to increase compensation claims)than to leave presently unlogged forests intact.

As for the ITTO, the bickering and jockeying which marked its gestation are clear indications that neither the governments of countries possessing tropical forests nor the governments of rich countries with a stake in those forests are yet prepared to overrule short-term and sectional interests. Governments of the importing countries still sniff an OPEC-type conspiracy which might enable exporting countries, acting in concert, to raise prices. This fear is utterly misplaced, since the commodity-tropical hardwood-is far too heterogeneous in form, quality and use to lend itself to traditional commodity control measures.

Nor is there as yet any disposition on the part of the timber-growing countries to act in concert. Some are still desperate to lure foreign investors in order to get the logs rolling out, to earn foreign exchange, an imperative partly imposed by the debt crisis and the constant worsening of the terms of trade of the primary producers. Other countries now have wood processing plants, and are exporting tropical sawnwood, plywood and veneers. They want to restrict log supplies to competing foreign processors, including Third World in-transit processors: sawmills and plywood plants set up(often with the participation of Western capital)in such low-wage countries as South Korea and Taiwan. Thus, quite apart from the seedy background to the tropical hardwood trade described earlier, there persist conflicts of interest among the Third World countries.

But by far and away the greatest impediment to efforts to save the tropical forest is an unwillingness on the part of governments, both inside and outside the tropics, to recognize the socio-economic and political factors which are bringing about tropical forest destruction. The pity of it is that this unwillingness is shared by so many conservationists who are vigorously campaigning to save the forests. Inside the tropical forested countries those organizations and movements (some of them necessarily clandestine)which are battling with their governments to win sound natural resource policies do recognize the political implications of their struggle. Conservationists outside such countries should seriously consider whether the initiatives they take are likely to encourage and strengthen such movements. Some past initiatives have simply provided reactionary governments with window-dressing.

Conservationists should also ask themselves why their campaign has suddenly, in the last few years, aroused the interest of governments of some industrialized countries, in the last few years, in particular that of the USA. Is it because those governments fear the rise in atmospheric carbon? Is it because they dread the extinction of the monkey-eating eagle or some rare butterfly? Hardly. As their official reports make clear, they have woken up to the fact that shrinking forests mean shrinking tropical wood exports which in turn mean declining Third World economies which in turn mean shrinking markets for First World exports. The United States, for example, exports more to tropical forested countries than it does to the whole of Europe, East and West. They have also realized that their giant pharmaceutical industries depend heavily on materials emanating from the tropical forest.

The net effect has been to cause the US government to adopt a conservationist stance. But the detailed practice of US policy is most frequently to obstruct or torpedo measures which could have real effect. Exactly the same applies to the governments of other leading industrialized countries-Japan, for example. The lesson for conservationists is that it is not sufficient to bombard governments to the point at which they feel obliged to don conservationist clothes. It is necessary to observe closely their every action, examine the implications of those actions, and call the governments to account when9as has so frequently happened in the short history of the ITTO and the World Tropical Forest Action Plan)their deeds betray their words.

The very success of the conservationists in arousing governmental interest has brought about confusion, a lack of clarity about which tropical forests should be saved, how much, and for what reason.

Take, for example, the gene reservoir argument. It would be unreasonable to call for the preservation of a sufficient area of at least one example of each of the many different ecosystems which go to make up the tropical forests. Nor would that guarantee that none of the so far uninvestigated species of flora and fauna will disappear before it has been catalogued and its potential value appraised. Firstly, there are far too many different ecosystem, even though the differences between some of them may seem slight. Secondly, no ecosystem is static; each one is in a state of continuous evolution, with species becoming extinct and new species evolving all the time. Thirdly, the interdependence of species within any single ecosystem is so little understood that there are no generally accepted notions of the minimum size of reserve that would be needed to ensure the survival of particular species. Experts of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) have nominated a number of forest zones which should be considered as having priority for the establishment of forest reserves. Their listing represents a compromise between scientific best guesses and what they deem politically feasible.

First World government interest also reflects anxiety about future supplies of tropical timber. That is why plantations represent an important component of the World Tropical Forest Action Plan. But determining the areas needed to assure future supplies is an even more complex quantitative conundrum. How much the First World will need to import depends on price. Only a rise in the price of tropical hardwoods, together with a willingness to plough back into management a far higher proportion of income from timber, can make it possible to manage the forests on a sustainable basis. If a small proportion of existing forest were converted to artificial forest, to plantations of selected, faster-growing species, this would enable future timber needs to be met while avoiding the need to exploit the remaining unlogged forest. A few figures serve to illustrate this argument. Rational management and relatively simple silvicultural operations in TMF can treble the yield of merchantable timber, to about 6§©/ha per year. Enrichment planting (planting saplings of superior species in cleared spaces) can raise this figure to 10. Some dipterocarp forests, properly managed, can yield 15. On the same soils, however, 45 for tropical pines, and as much as 60§©/ha per yeat for some eucalypts.

These figures have persuaded many that the sensible thing to do would be to convert to plantations just enough tropical forest to cover future timber needs, and leave the rest alone. But this assumes that it is the demand for industrial wood which is the principal cause of deforestation-an assumption which we have shown to be false. The World Tropical Forest Action Plan plainly hopes that by sponsoring plantations, in the tropics pressure on the remaining natural forest will be relieved. But such hopes are unlikely to be realized. Plantation-grown wood can replace that from the natural forest only within limits, even of the same species; the physical characteristics, and hence possible uses, are very different., Financial support for plantations can never provide, to the same extent and for the same people, the wide range of goods and services other than merchantable timber which natural forests provide.

The history of what has happened in the tropical forests since World War II should have demonstrated to conservationists the futility of pressing on Third World countries the 'custodianship' argument. Governments which show utter contempt for either the short-or long-term interests of there own people will not respond to such exhortation. They will respond only to external pressures which threaten their political survival; only then will they conform to prescribed standards. The standards to which they are presently being asked to conform, as set by the richer 'donor' countries and by the international agencies which go to make up the development establishment, have the effect of deepening the rift between governments and the people they are supposed to represent. They seldom threaten the political survival of unrepresentative governments.

The battle to save the tropical forests lies not only in the tropical countries. In the First World too the battle must be engaged. It is the support of First World countries which keeps in existence those Third World regimes whose resource-destructive policies are responsible for contemporary tropical deforestation.

24 The road to famine

In the previous chapter we saw that in many parts of the tropics the moist forest shades off into somewhat drier, deciduous tropical forest, often with a substantial canopy, but subject to longer annual dry periods. Elsewhere in the tropics this gives way to more open forest. It is possible to imagine a continuum along which the forest cover steadily changes under successively drier conditions. At the wet end are the evergreen tropical rainforests. Towards the drier end, there are dry open forests, shading off into scrubland, and finally quasi-desert. If it were possible to move along this continuum, it would be difficult to find the exact point at which, say, open forest ended and scrubland began. The destinction is as blurred on the ground as it is in the statistics. But the truly alarming thing is that throughout this continuum there is today, under the influence of a variety of pressures, a downward, degrading thrust. Chapter 23 explained the nature of these pressures in countries (mostly in the Third World) at the wetter end of the tropical forest spectrum. This chapter discusses the kind of pressures which are completely treeless.

'As blurred as in the statistics' : the definition of forest has changed from time to time and different countries are not consistent in compiling their statistics. There is now, however, a broad definition on which a number of experts have agreed, and this was discussed in chapter 14 and used to present an overview of the world's forest. (In brief, this definition regards forest as consisting of closed forest and other wooded land. Closed forest includes all land which is more than 20 per cent covered by tree crowns, and which is used primarily for forestry. Other wooded land 'has some forestry characteristics, but is not closed forest' : it includes open woodland (with tree crowns covering 5-20 per cent of the area), windbreaks, shelter belts or small isolated groups of trees, together with scrub and brushland (land with shrubs or stunted trees covering more than about 20 per cent of the area).

Obviously the definition of closed forest is itself rather shadowy. In effect, it means all land which is mainly used for forestry purposes, where forestry is broadly defined as activities related to the production of wood and other goods and services of the forest. Even so, it is much better than some earlier definitions of forest, which focused only on the production of wood for industry. They failed to take account of the very different kinds of forest met with, and very different uses of trees made by people, in parts of the world other than Europe and North America. Some of these uses were discussed in the first part of this book.

There are in the tropics, apart from the drier closed forest, over 1500 million ha of open forest and scrubland. In these areas many people are dependent for their livelihood on such forest and scrub as remains; it is here that the forest is shrinking or being degraded most quickly; and it is here that famine is a constant threat. The dry end of the forest spectrum is the one most in danger. The dry open forests in the tropics are disappearing at the rate of 4 million ha/year. As the forests go, the other vegetative cover is reduced, the soils are exposed to erosion by wind and by water. Much of the arid and semi-arid land on which over 600 million people now live is already treeless; the rest-even that which still falls under the somewhat generous definition of forest cited above-is rapidly becoming so. Almost every where in the drier tropical forests a cumulative downward spiral of deforestation, devegetation and land degradation is at work.

In the countries at the drier end of the forest spectrum and in those which lie even further along it, consisting largely of marginal lands, the precarious balance that once existed between the uses of 'forest' land for fuel, for food crops, for grazing and for protection from wind and water erosion is today breaking down. Dozens of countries which only a few decades ago could produce enough food to feed all their own people (including their non-food-producing classes and urban populations) can no longer do so. This is not simply because numbers have multiplied, creating extra pressure on the land, but because exogenous factors have had the effect of suddenly disrupting those previous balances in land use-balances arrived at through a slow process of adjustment.

The lands with which this chapter is concerned are not synonymous with desert, or even simply with arid and semi-arid lands. Deserts have become newsworthy. In 1977 the united Nations organized the first-ever World Conference on Desertification. The Conference drew attention to the rate at which deserts are spreading, discussed some of the causes, and drew up a programme to halt the march of the deserts.

But though desertification is a graphic term, it is not a particularly useful one. The picture of the desert which most people carry in their minds is of a vast expanse of sand, stones, and rocky outcrops where little or nothing lives and grows: the Kalahari, the Gobi, the Sahara; they may also have seen pictures of the Sonora desert in Mexico, stretching Australia. Though the fact is not widely known, similar pictures have been taken in Antarctica. There are areas on the Antarctic continent which are arid; no ice or snow, simply dry rock and sand. What is now the Antarctic broke away from the rest of the earth's land mass before the human species evolved; the Antarctic desert is the consequence solely of climatic influences.

This chapter is instead concerned with a process now widespread: land degradation, not confined to, although most conspicuous in, areas where rainfall is very variable and unreliable. To understand the process we must consider what is actually involved when land is degraded by losing its vegetation cover. The capacity of land to support plant productivity can be reduced by several different processes.

1. More of that rain which does fall runs off the surface, and less infiltrates to join the store of soil water which plants use;

2. The soil on the surface may be eroded away, either by the flow of water across the surface or through being blown away by the increased wind speed neat the ground;

3. the soil's ability to act as a warehouse for water and mineral nutrients may deteriorate, as its organic matter breaks down or is not replaced by continuing inputs of litter and dead roots from the vegetation;

4. Where vegetation is striped, reduced transpiration can allow water tables to rise; and if the soil has salt at lower depths, the root zone can be salinized;

5. Increased reflectivity of the land surface may lead to fewer thunderstorms forming on humid afternoons;

6. Because there is no plant cover, the rain which does fall tends to be stored in rivers and lakes, rather than being quickly transpired back into the atmosphere by plants. Considered over large areas like the Amazon basin, vegetation clearance could lead to some reduction of rainfall because water is not cycled between atmosphere and earth quickly

Of there different mechanisms, the ones which might actually lead to reduced rainfall, the last two, have modest effects at most. Stripping the vegetation may have some small effect on regional climate, but in no way can regions which were formerly forested acquire a desert climate, that is to say, have less than 200mm/year of rain, by loss of trees. In this sense the word 'desertification' is misleading, and 'Iand defradation' or 'devegetation' are to be preferred.

How easily can degraded land be rehabilitated? The answer depends on the soil because even when vegetation has been stripped, the incoming sunlight and rain, the other factors of plant production besides the soil, remain in place. As soil varies so much from place to place, the question has to be answered by looking at the specifics of each particular case. Thus, on some lands a surface layer only a few centimetres thick holds most of the mineral nutrients. When this has been stripped by wind or water, seedlings can only be established on the exposed surface with great difficulty and intensive care. Other lands have fertile earth hundreds of metres thick. Erosion on these lands is certainly to be avoided, but revegetating their eroded surfaces is comparatively easy. Where salt has been brought into the root zone, removeing it will be difficult and will depend on establisting plants which can tolerate the salinity. Similarly, where there is moving sand, the plants which are needed to stop the sands from moving at the beginning will be different from those which flourish best once the land surface has been stabilized.

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