Forest death: acid rain
Forststerben-forest death- was first seen on a significant scale in Germany and central Europe in the mid-1970s. The loss of leaves and needles, the withering of shoots, dieback of leaves, needles, twigs and branches, with eventual tree death, had often occurred, but not on this scale. Forest death continues to spread and intensify, and Europe is still the greatest sufferer; it is in Europe that the phenomenon has been most intensely studied. But forests lying close to industrial areas is the USSR, in North America, Australia and in Japan have also been affected in varying degrees, as have forests in China, Mexico and other Third World countries.
It was noted in Part I that trees, like people, get sick, grow old and die. Leaf loss and dieback can result from specific maladies or from various forms of stress: prolonged drought or undue cold, for example. Trees under stress, like weak or underfed people, are prone to pests and diseases. It was some time before German foresters, recognizing that the scale of forest death pointed to something other than natural causes, gave the alert. Some years earlier, Scandinavian foresters had noted excessive dieback in forests together with growing acidity in freshwater lakes. They suspected airborne pollutants, and specifically emissions of sulphur dioxide from electric power plants in Britain.
Their suspicions have proved correct. But Britain is far from being the worst offender in terms of tonnes of sulphur dioxide pumped into the atomsphere. Worst in this respect are Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republec, both heavily dependent for energy on surfacemined brown coal or lignete, with a high sulphur content, Both have been less successful than Britain in exporting their amed rain to other countries.
The London smog of 1952, held to be responsible for 4000 deaths, brought curbs on the burning of coal both for domestic use and for power in Britain. All new coal-burming electric stations had to be discharged from tall chimneys. The upshot was that thick fogs ended in London and Britain's air became cleaner, but most of the 5 million tonnes or so of sulphur dioxiede discharged annually from Britain's power plants was now carried away by prevailing winds, part to be discharged on notthern Europe's forests and lakes.
Acid rain is certainly responsible, directly or indirectly, for the blighted state of many areas of forest in Europe today. In 1985 it was estimated that in ten European countries with known damage attributable to air pollution, some 7 millon ha of forest had been affected. A quarter of a million ha were already dead or dying and a further 1.7 million ha had suffered moderate damage. By far the worst sufferer was the Federal Republic of Germany,with half its forest area affected. There are, of course, other causes of damage to the forest besides airborne pollutants: insects, fire, frost, drought and so on. But the foregoing estimates exclude forest damage attributable to other causes. Current research is discovering which of the pollutants are mainly responsible and how they act: whether through direct impact on the needles and leaves, or through interactions in the siol-root system. It was because definitive answers to all these questions were not forthcoming that the British government argued, against all the weight of circumstantial evidence and the wide consensus among European scientists, that the case against acid rain was 'not proven'. Thus Britain became the exception in Europe, having refused until late 1986 to participate in the common effort to bring down sulphur dioxide emissions by 30 per cent by 1995. Even then the British government went only part way towards meeting the demands of other European nations. The British government's excuse, that factors other than air pollutants can cause tree damage, and that monitoring had not been conducted over a sufficiently long period to single out this as a dominant causal factor, was invalid. Long-term studies of the acidity of soils and lakes in northern European have demonstrated that, in the words of a report prepared for the European Forestry Commission: 'There is no doubt that the effort to reduce the exposure of forests to air pollutants must be intensified. Otherwise, European forest sectors, and European society in general, will face large problems in the future which it will be very difficult to solve.'
Besides the direct impact of acid rain (incorporating nitrogen oxides as well as sulphur dioxide) on tree foliage, and its consequent disruption of photosynthesis, chemical changes take place in the acidified soils. Aluminium is released, poisoning the tree, while important nutrients such as calcium and magnesium are washed away. The implication is that whole sites may become incapable of growing trees or certain species of trees.
Acid rain is only part of the story, Ozone is also dangerous to the forest: besides directly damaging plants, it hastens the formation of acid rain. A prime source of ozone is motor vehicle exhausts. It has been estimated that the amount of background ozone close to the ground doubled in Europe over the three decades from 1957. This is why measures to save Europe's forests require not only the suppression of industrial emissions but also control over motor vehicle exhausts.
The impact on soils and water of modern farming methods has already been mentioned. Recent observations suggest that in some parts of Europe nitrogen reaches the soils through fertilizers in such quantities as to may lead to stress in trees, forcing them to grow when short of nutrients. This may account for some recent unexplained tree deaths observed on farms, while similar trees at roadsides, even though severely subject to exhaust gases, remained unaffected.
The shadow which hangs over the future of Europe's forests will take further research, followed by effective government action, to dispel. But Europe does now have an international agreement on transnational-boundary air pollutants, even if some governments have been laggardly in taking effective action. The problem of facing up to acid rain is likely to prove much more difficult in Third World countries bent on industrialization, given the extra investment necessary to reduce noxious emissions to the minimum. Moreover, the problem for them is exacerbated by the current trend of transnationals to transfer their polluting industries to Third world countries where industrial standards are lower and controls less effective.
Some idea of the high cost of fighting acid rain has been
given by German scientists, who estimate that to clean up the air, to reduce
soil and water acidity by vast quantities of limestone, and to add fertilizers
and nutrients to forest soils, would cost their country US£¤25,000 million.
Is there enough
wood?
In none of the industrialized areas so far reviewed do there exist insuperable difficulties in the way of raising forest output to meet further rises in wood needs. There is enough land available, and forest science has advanced to the point that enough is known to improve productivity in existing forests and to create new ones. It is true that airborne pollutansts pose a new threat, but there is no reason why these should not in due course be identified and curbed.
How far and how fast will wood needs rise? This is anybody's guess. The exceptionally rapid economic growth of the post-war decades(with the concomitant rise in wood consumption) was largely the consequence of economic policies which have now fallen out of favour; no-one can say how soon and to what extent they will be resumed. In addition, these past decades have seen impotant changes in the pattern and structure of the forest industries, as well as technological advnces that could affect wood consumption.
As GNP soared in the industrialized world in the first post-war decades, the consumption of pulp and paper soared even faster, almost invariably outpacing the highest estimates of long-term market trends. This was therefore the period of rapidly expanding capacity, of new technological developments, and of bigger and bigger installations. In chemical pulp making and newsprint manufacture there are huge economies of size. With investments in individual plants reaching hundreds of millions of dollars, capital charges weigh heavily in production costs. So much so that the difference in capital costs per tonne of finished product in a new large mill compared with those in a conventionally sized mill meant that the latter became uncompetitive even if it were to operate on free wood. In fact, many old mills closed down; others were able to keep going only because they had already written off their capital costs.
Because ot can take up to five years between first planning a new large forest industry complex and the time the end product finally comes on the market, it was inevitable that there were times when world-wide installed capacity exceeded demand, even though demand was steadily rising. This is one reason why as much energy and ingenuity were spent on reducing production costs. This is what spurred the distribution revolution mentioned earlior. This is why those who live in the industrialized world flounder in a sea of paper which they do not want: junk mail, newspapers padded out by adverts and non-news; unnecessarily elaborate packaging. The 'paper plague'was made possible because technology, added to size economise, has kept the rise in the price of paper ( alone among wood products) below that of the general level of prices.
Today, with television ubiquitous, with advances in microchip technology, and computers more common than bicycles, a new communications revolution is underway. This has already drastically transformed the economics of newspaper production. It could possibly lead to a decline in per caput paper consumption in the industrialized world-one reason why it is not easy to predict how fast wood needs will rese.
Forest industry complexes of the size which became dominant in the post-war decades require immense supplies of cheap wood. Some public forest owners, to attract industry, franted concessions on the condition that a mill was built and became operational by a specified date. Major North American, European and Japanese firms battled to secure rights to the remaining accessible areas of North American forests in the 1950s and 1960s, especially those in British Columbia and Alaska.
The scramble for cheap wood by forest industry giants has become global. The trend to make use of existing, or to create new, woodyards in the underdeveloped world is accelerating, especially in warm temperate and subtropical areas where wood fibre can be grown much faster. The technological areas which have broadened the raw material base for the tropical forests. It is no longer only those forests yielding a high proportion of high quality saw and veneer logs which are worth exploiting. Any forest which can be logged, chipped, and transported cheaply enough becomes attractive.
Hard on the heels of the global woodyard, forest industry too is becoming global. Though aware of the political and financial risks involved, metropolitan capital is ever more inclined to locate its new ventures, where possible, are preferred, as they offer a measure of political insurance.
Chapter 3 described some of the factors behind horizontal and vertical integration in the forest products industries: the security and optimum use of raw material, heavy capital investment, an extended range of marketable products and so on. These trends have also been facilitated by the periodic hiccups in the world pulp-paper supply-demand balance. Transnationals, with their readiness to transfer production, to close down levels, labour docility, raw material and energy costs, and transport considerations, have expanded in power and size in the forest products industry as in other industrial sectors. This is why, when markets slow down, pulp and paper plants can be closed down overnight by faceless foreign corporations, as even Canada has discovered.
Governments in the rich countries have so far failed to
work out and consistently pursue coherent forest policies, with clearly stated
objectives. This is partly because, confronted by conflicting interests in the
forests, they are hesitant to take decisions and even more hesitant to enter
into commitments which, for obvious reasons, should be long term. For example,
governments which have traditionally looked upon publicly owned forests as a
source of revenue for the exchequer have difficulty in deciding how much should
be ploughed back, or what new funds should be invested, in maintaining or building
up the forest resource, to limit or reduce future dependence on wood and paper
imports. The forest industries are strategic in the sense that many of their
products are as essential in war as in peacetime. It may well be that the forest
industry capacity deemed strategically minimal may be attracted and established
only if sufficient supplies of cheap wood are available. If cheap wood is to
be provided it may be necssary to forgo revenuses, to subsidize state forestry,
and to offer financial or fiscal incentives to private forest owners. Even if
the forest is looked upon purely and simply as a woodyard for industry, forestry
is a sector where national objectives are unlikely to be achieved if matters
are left to the tree play of market forces.
Not just a woodyard
Many of the values provided by the forest find inadequate expression or none at all in the market place. This is particularly true of the environmental services rendered by the forest; it was noted, for example, that as much as 25 per cent of Europe's forest was deemed to have protection ather than production as its primary purpose. This is also true of the amenity and recreation services which the forest can provide. The fastest frowing demand on the forestsin recent decades in nearly all the affluent countries has been for access to them for amenity and recreation purposes. This demand was at first fiercely resisted by many forest owners-in most cases national or provincial authorities-and by professional foresters acting for them. But the pressure has proved so strong that there is now much easier access to the forest even though it is tightly controlled.
People in forests can be a danger, unless they are aware and informed, to the forests and to themselves. At certain seasons in some types of forest the fire hazard is very high indeed. Some of the forests which holidaymakers most enjoy, with cloudless dkies and near warm seas, are also unfortunately some of the most dangerous. There are now substantial stretches of the Mediterranean coast backed by dry maquis and scrub forest, or by salt resistant pines planted for dune fixation. Long periods of rainless feat make these wooded areas highly inflammable. Yet some of these areas are now so thickly populated by campers during the summer that they represent major accidents waiting to happen.
There are areas within the forest where the soil can become compacted and the root systems damaged if wubject to exceptional pressure, with the result that trees sicken and die. There are, too, seasons when the wildlife of the forest should be subject to minimum disturbance. Yet people can learn these things about forests and trees, and enjoy the forest environment to the full, only if they are admitted and given the opportunity to see, learn and understand. Both public and private forest owners have made efforts, with varying degrees of enthusiasm and success, to allow entry to their forests under conditions which will minimize damage to the forest and maximize compensatory revenue for production forgone. Enlightened public forest authorities provide access and appropriate facilities for different categories of people seeking amenity or recreation in the forest.
Recreation needs differ widely. Some visitors are short-term, simply seeking time in the open in the open air, with or without sophisticated supplementary entertainment. Others are longer-term, and require cabin facilities or spaced camping sites. And there are still others who crave the sensation of true wilderness and are prepared to backpack along indicated trails. 'Wilderness', of course, becomes a misnomer as soon as queues form and entries have to be severely limited.
Another problem is that the kind of forest which people most enjoy is not necessarily the kind which yields the forest owner the maximum profit. In the early years of the UK Forestry commission, for esample, the accent was very much on providing commercial timber as quickly as possible. Indeed, the commission itself was established for this very purpose after World War¥°had revealed Britain's vulnerability during wartime through ger geavy dependence on imported timber. This is the reason for the large black blocks of exotic conifers which, in the eyes of many nature lovers, now disfigure some of the less populated parts of the British landscape. In the decades since World War ¥±, however, morecareful landscape planning, and the discreet inclusion of areas of native broadleaved trees, have gone some way to improving the commission's image. In addition, the Commission has developed a variety of sport, recreation and holiday facilities which find increasing favour.
In many of the rich countries a more enligherned public
has begun to take an interest in surviving indigenous forests for their scientific
and cultural value, and as possible repositories for material values as yet
undiscovered. Thus a conservationist movement has grown up ready to counter
any threat to log such forests or convert them to other use. This pressure has
been particularly strong in those affluent countries where there remain areas
of the original native forest in relatively undisturbed condition; for example,
the rainforests of Queensland and Tasmania and the native beech forests in New
Zealand. Conservationists have also resisted attempts to create new forests
on lands where they may displace flora or fauna deemed sufficiently rare to
be worth preserving; for example, wetlands in scotland which serve as important
staging grounds for rare migrating in Scotland which serve as important staging
grounds for rar migrating aquatic bird species. The fiscal incentives which
made it possible for many British celebrities to acquire new forests instead
of paying tax were revised only in 1988. Britain was perhaps the only country
where environmentalists assailed government and foresters for planting new (
rather than for destroying existing) forests.
Divided we fall
The consequence of all these new demands on the forest and of the changing values of society has been that in country after country in both the Second World and the First World, the public forest services and the forestry profession
The consequence of all these new demands on the forest and of the changing values of society has been that in country after country in both the Second World and the First World, the public forest services and the forestry profession have come under fire from conservationists and environmentalists. have come under fire from conservationists and environmentalists. Foresters have been accused of being the lackeys of forest industry; of having as their objective, and hence being trained for, only the most efficient way of producing wood for industry; of having recourse to dangerous chemicals in order to keep down costs; of ignoring, or paying insufficient heed to, the scientific, cultural, recreation and amenity values in the forest.
These are not proper charges to lay against the forestry profession. The real charge to be laid is that they have served their masters too conscientiously. They have sometimes failed to criticize in public actions by private forest owners which were contrary to the public interest, or government policies which failed to take account of either the ling-term interests of the community or the changing values set on the forest by society. In most affluent countries the greater part of the national forest estate is publicly owned; in some entirely so. This means that most foresters are civil servants, and there is a long-established tradition that civil servants should refrain from public comment. They may have tried to exercise pressure on their political masters in the corridors of power, but once decisions have been taken they have been quietly obeyed, This has led to the spectacle of environmentalists arraigning the foresters, who have failed to answer back.
This is not to whitewash the forestry profession. It is true, as some oldtime foresters have bitterly observed, that professional foresters were active in endeavouring to safeguard the long-term public interest before most contempirary environmental activists were born. Had it not been for the notions of sustained yield developed in forestry science, and the influence foresters were able to bring to bear upon politicians, there might well have been precious little forest left today in the affluent countries for environmentalists to get concerned about. But it is alas also true that foresters have far too often tamely done as they have been told, and have remained gagged. They have consented to be civic castrates.
Because foresters have not been sufficiently vocal in criticizing policy, environmentalists have sometimes succeeded in persuading politicians that the foresters' role in land use decisions should be curbed. This has happened, for example, in several Australian States and in New Zealand.
Environmentalists who concentrate their fire on the forestry profession instead of on the politician who prescribe the objectives to be pursued by public forestry departments may discover such victories as they gain to be pyrrhic ones. In New Zealand they campaigned to save the remaining native beech forests. The upshot is that the important plantation forest resource of pine and eucalyptus, created by the Forest Service and today underpinning New Zealand's second most important industry, has become a state-owned corporation with a purely commercial orientation. Not only will the non-wood benefits (amenity, water protection, rural support) of this resource now take second place; it is tailor-made for privatization as soon as the political wind changes. Meanwhile, the surviving indigenous resources (podocarps, beech, kauri) are locked up and confided to a new Conservation Department; they thus become museums rather than managed forests. The Forest Service survives with limited research and regulatory functions. The likelihood is that in respect of both the native and the created forest resources the environmentalists will come to rue their victory.
In fact it has never been more important for foresters and conservations to understand each other and see one another as allies. The environmentalist movement has grown in influence, and will continue to grow. It has spread an understanding of people's relationship with the natural world, and their responsibility towards it. As it has taken up and analysed successive issues, it has been obliged to face up to the political implications of those issues. Yet, it continues to suffer from certain weaknesses: one is that it remains largely drawn from, and reflects the values of, the middle class.
That is why the increased attention to the amenity and recreation values of the forest has been concerned largely with serving the leisure interests of the more advantaged sectors of society. The health and recreational needs of urbanites who are less wealthy and less mobile have received little attention, although trees and woodlands are needed both within urban conglomerations and within easy reach of cities. All cities need lungs, and for those who cannot venture far the need is greatest. The provision of recreation space for the city-bound is only one aspect. Trees should play an important part in city planning, providing shaed, sound insulation, wind and storm barriers, play space, allaying dust, and so on. Trees to serve the urban poor are more important than wilderness areas which can only be reached by the urban well-to-do.
Environmentalists have been slow to formulate demands on behalf of the urban poor, but foresters have made a start. Although urban forestry is largely neglected in Europe, Canada has a research institute specifically devoted to it, and urban forestry is taught in a number of US forestry schools. In this matter, most of Europe trails behind North America, and surprisingly enough, even behind China. It can be argued that foresters have a particular obligation to press the needs of the urban poor. In the past, it was foresters, in battling for the principle of sustained yield, who sought to ensure that the needs of unborn and therefore unheard generations were safeguarded. Today's foresters needs, though less vocal, are greater.
But trees outside the forest have and important job to do in the countryside, and here, too, the forester has been guilty of neglect. Most people in Britain are aware that the face of the countryside has undergone great changes in the post- war decades. There have been similar changes in continental Europe. Soon after World War¥± it was discovered (through the first-ever Census of Woodlands) that in Britain as much as 20 per cent of all growing timber was to be found not in areas classified as forest but in small copses, sponneys and hedgerows. The proportions in other countries are much less, but nevertheless of some significance. Since the war, under the onslaught of modern large-scale agriculture, these scattered woodlands and hedgerows have been steadily disappearing, and with them the varied flora and fauna they sustained. Until recently, protest has been sporadic and muted. The reasons are that foresters had no responsibility for trees outside the forest, while conservationists failed for some time to understand what was happening.
The primcipal concern of both foresters and envionmentalists over the next decades will be to help society assess and secure what have come to be loosely categorized as 'the non-wood benefits of the forest'. This does not mean that timber needs will diminish; they will continue to increase, though less rapodly than in recent decades, and will necessarily loom large among foresters' objectives. Provided concerted action is taken to conquer 'acid rain'(using the term here as ahorthand for a variety of ill-understood airborne pollutants), the rich countries should be able to continue pushing up their home-grown industrial wood supplies. If the shortfall between domestic supplies and needs continues to grow, there will be little difficulty in filling the gap from artificial plantations established or expanded in Third World countries favoured with suitable or expanded in Third World countries favoured with suitable growing conditions. New wood processing industries will gravitate towards these overseas woodyards, a shift that will doubtless be favoured by fiscal incentives and less onerous environmental restraints.
Though the rich countries may look overseas to expand the woodyard for forest industries, it is harkly likely that they will do so for energy wood. Throughout the industrialized world, the domestic consumption of fuelwood continues to fall and the use of wood as enerty for industry presently consists almost entirely of wood residues from the forest industries. The idea of deliberately growing wood forenergy has been toyed with by many, but only a few countries have made a start. These are countries where public opinion has become increasingly disenchanted with nuclear power and its atteddant risks. Thus Sweden foresees a edfinite role for wood energy, while Austria plans to devote 8 per cent of its arable land to growing fuelwood plantations.
This could change within a decade. In most affluent countries wood enegy proposals have been shelved, allegedly on economic grounds. Meanwhile research into other renewable and non-conventional energy sources (solar, tidal, sind, wave, ocean temperature differential and th like) is desultory, lacking government encouragement and restrained by existing vested interests. But 'Green' pressure on governments to count the full social costs of fossil fuels and of nuclear energy will continue to grow. In many countries it may reach the point where governments will be obliged to sketch out long-term energy policies, with greater reliance on renewable resources.
'Non-wood benefits' are all too often seen narrowly as provision for amenity and recreation, including cosmetic landscaping. It needs stressing that in nearly every industrialized country, there are areas and locations where insufficient attention has so far been paid to protection forestry. The devastation caused in southern Britain by the 1987 hurricane raised tree-consciousness; an age-old landscape which millions had taken for granted was destroyed overnight. Though there was little loss of life, property damage was high. The lidelihood of winds of this force recurring, with similar consequences, may be low. But the likelihood of floods and landslides, with a greater threat to life, in locations rendered vulnerable by lack of tree cover, is much higher. It is higher still in some other European countries which, with North America, USSR, Japan and Oceania, all still have areas in urgent ned of afforestation or reafforestation to avert or redce the impact of natural calamities.
Exceptional climatic conditions briefly arouse media attention, and serious damage to property or loss of life usually trigger relief measures. It is more difficult to get fovernment or public attention focused on the longterm measures needed to avert repetition. There are also slower and more insidious processes at work which are undermining productivity. In the Common Market, modern industrialized farming, with cereals heavily subsidixed, has led to larger fields, elimination of gedgerows, and extension to steeper gradients. Thus downslope, instead of contour, cultivation is bringing about heavy soil loss even in such areas as the South Downs in Britain.
Foresters and environmentalists need to publicize these
issues until governments control land abuse and find funds for the afforestation
that will help to maintain productivity and may save future lives. Their voices
should sound in unison, and thior professional associations should protect members
with the courage to denounce antisocial resource policies.
Farmers, foresters and conservationists
Governments in the West are sensitive to lobbyists. The rich corporations can afford to spend most money on lobbying. The communications media, heavily dependent on advertising, are as sensitive as govemments. Consequently, environmental issus which affect ordinary people are rarely debated in public in an objective manner. In many industrialized countries there is still a powerful farmers' lobby, which politicians dare not ignore. This is the reason for the butter mountains and wine lakes of the European Common Market. Consumers sustain European africulture by paying prices which are held artificially high. Thic costs every common Market European, man, woman and child, the equivalent of ¡Ì100 sterling every year. All this is necessary, it is argued, in order to enable hardworking family farmers to win a decent living. This is a false image. All over Europe (as in the United States) the small independent farmer is disappearing as agribusiness takes over. The acreage of land owned and managed by corporations and syndicates grows annually, while that farmed by independent farmers diminishes. With the steady merging of chemical, fertilizer, pesticide, plant-breeding and seed production and marketing interests in the one hand, and the increasing monopolistic powe of food processors, those small farmers who do survive find themselves ever more squeezed by the powerful transnationals. The progressive industrialization of agriculture has entailed the mechanization of planting, tilling, fertilizing, spraying, harvesting, and also standardization of crops and heavier inputs of both fertilizers and pesticides. Scattered woodland. hedgerows, hedgerow trees became an impediment. this is why they, and the wild life they sustain, are fast disappearing. With their disappearance go many of the species that kept crop pests under control. Hence the need for more, and ever more powerful, that trees were the farmer's friend. The changing landscape of many European countries today suggests that trees have become the enemy of agribusiness.
Nevertheless, in spite of the political power wielded by the agribusiness transnationals and the heavy influence they are able to exercise on the media, there is in all the rich countries a growing public awareness of the adverse consequences of the industrialization of agriculture. They include the pollution of rivers, lakes and ponds by the run-off of excess chemical fertilizers;the parallel pollution of water sources by the liquid wastes of battery farming; the contamination of food by pesticides and fungicides; and the disappearance of varieties. There is also a restriction of consumer choice, as only those vareties best suited to cechanized cultivation, haresting, packaging, transport and processing are grown.
This growing disquiet is beginning to generate a consumer revoly, and an understanding that the public interest and a healthy rural sector require more mixed and less specialized farming, more biological and fewer chemical controls, and more trees on farms, not fewer.
The consumer revolt is mounting just at the time when Europe (and possibly other affluent regions) is on the verge of further major rural land-use changes. The slow-down of economic growth has focused attention on the heavy price European consumers pay for agricultural produce which is destroyed, given away, or sold under cost. Cut-backs in subsidies to agriculture are inevitable, and this means that even more farming land will go out of production: first dairy, then beef, then cereal. And it is, of course, the smaller independent farmes who will be driven out of business first, The debate is now starting on how this land will be used. There is now an opportunity to extend the national forest estates, either by public afforestation or private planting. Many conservationists believe that the emphasis should be on creating new and varied woodlands with amenity and recreation as their primary purpose. But such forests offer little or no economic incentive, when compared with industrial forests, to the private landowner. There is a clear case for devoting some of the funds saved by cutting agricultural subsidies to supporting forest improvement and tree planting.
In North America there is not the same pressure as in Europe
to extend the forest estate, although it too is likely to see a further diminution
in land under the plough, and the continuing elimination of small farms. But
there is a need on both sides of the Atlantic for agreement among and between
foresters and conservationists as to how land coming out of farm production
can best be used in the national interest, so that they may jointly campaign
and press governments to adopt appropriate measures.
Forest death:acid
rain
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