(41-52)

Part ¬¸ People and trees

7. The origins and spread of humans

chapter 1 described how, before the continents assumed their present shape and location, the original land mass (Pangaea) wandered over the face of the earth as it gradually broke up. Over vast periods, slow changes in the pattern of land and sea were accompanied by long term changes in climate, to which both flora and fauna adjusted through evolutionary change.

It is generally thought that the emergence of the hominid line was linked from the outset to the availability of open grassed country. Unforested country began to spread starting about 25million years ago. The dryopithecine lineage, from which apes and humans are thought to have derived, divided from the lineage leading to other monkeys by about 20 million years ago. Species in the ape/ Human lineage were tailless and spent increasing amounts of time on the ground. Eventually this lineage split in Africa into three branches, leading to gorillas, to chimpanzees, and to Australopithecines and thence to humans. These three branches used different parts of the landscape, with gorillas in dense forest or grassland. Nowadays in the tropics and subtropics, the boundary between forest and wooded grassland is set by fires, in conjunction with climate . The main elements of the situation are these. Tall forest is not fire-resistant , nor is it particularly flammable. Outside tall forest, vegetation is fire-prone and carries a variable mix of woody plants with grasses. Generally, woody plants are favoured where there are intervals of ten to a hundred years between fires. Grasses can tolerate fires as often as yearly but are suppressed by high densities of woody plants, therefore they are indirectly favoured by high densities of woody plants, therefore they are indirectly favoured by intervals between fires of less than ten years. Dry grass makes good fuel, so country with a continuous grass over carries fires easily. This relationship of mutual support between fires and grasses can produce sharp boundaries between fire-prone(grassy woodland)and fire-sensitive (forest)vegetation. Within grassy woodland vegetation can vary from nearly pure grass to nearly pure wood plant dominance, depending on the fire history over the previous ten to a hundred years. All this is true even in response to lightening-strike fires. However, in the presence of hunter-gatherers or pastoralists, a large proportion of fires are set by people. After fires, new green grass shoots ('green-pick') attract game for hunting, or favour livestock . Fires are also set to drive game, or to make country easier to travel through. Therefore the boundary between forest and grassy woodland, and the mix of woody plants with grasses within grassy woodland, has been strongly shaped by people in recent history. The influence of hunter-gatherers on vegetation via fire is so strong and so deliberate that it has been called 'firestick farming'. It seems certain that this shaping of the forest-shrub-grass mixture goes far back in human emergence, but there is no direct evidence on this point because fossil materials do not allow lightning-strike fires to be distinguished from firestick fires. In Australia about 40,000years ago, shortly after modern Homo sapiens evolved, pollen evidence shows there was a shift to more frequent fires. Archaelogical evidence of human occupation has been found from date not long after that, and the period was one when sea-level was low, so it would have been relatively easy for humans to reach Australia from south-Africa. These items of evidence all seem to hang together well, and it is thought that the shift in Australian vegetation around that time was due to the arrival of humans and their use of fire. In Africa, where humans are thought to have evolved, it is not possible to attribute changes in vegetation or fire frequency firmly to firesetting by humans rather than to changing climate. However, humans are known to have had the use of fire for a very long time. Burnt clay has been found in association with bones from animals butchered by stone tools, implying a campfire, at a date of 1.4 million years ago, well before Homo sapiens replaced Homo erectus. It is hard to believe humans could control fire for cooking without having some idea how to use it to manipulate the landscape or to drive game. Most likely the distribution of vegetation in landscapes has been affected by human use of fire for a long time. Much more recent has been the human impact on forests through the physical felling of trees and the clearing of land. It was thought at one time that the clearance of forests for agriculture had to await the invention of iron. This is not true. There is ample archeological evidence for both stone axes and stone saws, while there are contemporary surviving palaeolithic tribes which can fell trees and scoop dugout canoes with stone. It does seem certain that primitive agriculture, wherever it did invade the forest, was swidden agriculture, or slash and burn. The reason for slash and burn, however, was not (as in most shifting cultivation in the tropical forests today) that the fertility imparted by the wood ashes was quickly exhausted ; it was that the battle to keep weeds at bay soon became more onerous than clearing a fresh piece of forest. So slash and burn was as typical of early forest clearance in Europe as it is characteristic of much tropical forest clearance today. But settled agriculture and the domestication of plants and animals did not start in the forest, but in fertile river valleys. The architects of the neolithic revolution were those who observed that collected seed, when scattered on the fertile silt, flourished, thus saving endless hour of gathering. The significant aspect of the transition from gathering to gardening was that surpluses could arise and be saved, giving the family or clan a measure of security. It was precisely the possibility of creating food surpluses, the surpassing of the hand-to-mouth mode of existence, that rendered specialization within early human societies possible. Individuals or families could develop and transmit particular skills, knowing that their pottery, textiles, tools, and so on were always exchangeable for food. Settled agriculture thus fostered technological progress in many directions. This was important for the forest because it gave rise eventually to new tools which would facilitate forest clearance.

But permanent agriculture had another aspect. With the growing power to accumulate surpluses came the possibility for particular individuals, families of castes to appropriate those surpluses for their own ends; hence the evolution of hierarchical societies. The ends to which the ruling castes in hierarchical societies chose to devote the surpluses varied. But they eventually came to include, as civilizations developed, specialized fighting groups to maintain the rulers in power, priesthoods to promote ideologies which would justify the rulers' right to rule, durable monuments, sometimes on a gigantic scale, as well as all forms of what today would be called conspicuous consumption. But whatever the ends, all hierarchical societies, from the most primitive clans or tribes to mighty and complex civilizations, required growing numbers of non-food- producers to be fed out of the surplus extracted from those who did produce food; in other words, there was a continuing drive to expand the surplus. It was this drive which was to have the greatest impact on the forest, in the earlier phases of human history as today. It applied to those civilizations which originated on alluvial plains or fertile river valleys and which had to reach out into decline and all but disappeared; the fertility which had given them birth was undermined by deforestation, That is one reason why much of the area known as the Fertile Crescent is today infertile. Once the land was green, with early agriculture stretching from the Egyptian border and Syria, through Mesopotamia to the Persian Gulf. Today the course of irrigation canals which helped to feed the ancient cities can be faintly traced under the windblown sand. The famed cedars of Lebanon, once used to build Solomon's temple in Jerusalem, are now restricted to a few tiny scattered groves.

Gardening instead of gathering started at roughly the same time in several different parts of the world. As gardeners spread along the river valleys, population grew and technology spread out: rice in Indochina, millet in Africa and China, beans and maize in the Americas, wheat and barley in the Middle East. The domestication of animals may have started by herding for meat, but it progressed to dairy farming and the harnessing of animal power. When the two joined together, so that the ox-drawn plough supplanted the hoe, the stage was set for further substantial inroads into the forest.

Hierarchical societies

The shift to settled agriculture, bringing about permanent forest clearance, was facilitated by iron, animal power, and rudimentary crop rotation. Even so, for many centuries after the neolithic revolution, much of the land surface of the main continents was covered by forest, and a good deal of this was dense, closed forest. Although the clearing of forests for agriculture took place very slowly at first, it accelerated in places where, and at times when, expanded societies with a hierarchical structure developed.

How many people a given area of land will support depends not only on the land's innate capacity; it depends also on the technology employed and on the socio-economic structure of the society using that land. This is why the expression 'land capability' is so unsatisfactory. When so-called 'land capability' surveys are carried out, the classifications they adopt invariably assume current technology. Sometimes they even fail to raise the question whether the technology assumed ensures sustainable use of that land.

Some have argued that it is only when population increases to the point where the land available will no longer support it with existing technology that technology takes a forward leap. In other words, technical revolutions in agriculture spring from population pressure. The principal weakness in this argument is the same as that which lies at the heart of the Malthusian thesis, Neither thesis gives sufficient weight to the influence of social relations. While the relation between the size of population and the availability of resources is important, whether and how problems arise from rising population depends very much on how social and economic life is organized.

While it may be true that a natural increase in population obliges a clan or tribe to clear a corresponding area of new ground for agriculture, what happens more frequently in history is that societies become reorganized in ways that require a very much higher proportion of non-food-producers(ruling groups, the priestly class, armies, household servants and slaves, craftsmen and tradesmen) as compared with the numbers actually producing food. If dominant groups are to strengthen and maintain their power and wealth, they must organize a food surplus. This can be done by more intensive exploitation of the rural producer, whether slave, serf of tenant; by putting more land and people into food production(which may mean clearing forest); or by importing additional food supplies(which may also prompt further forest clearance in the region the food is imported from).

The 'population pressure brings agricultural innovation' thesis fails to explain why, in many parts of the Third World today, completely different technologies are being applied on lands which are similar and adjacent. Those technologies are being applied by different people, for different purposes, within different systems of social relations. Thus on one stretch of land, small independent peasant producers may be employing a traditional and primitive technology to feed themselves and their families on a sustainable basis. On an adjacent stretch of land, modern, more sophisticated, technology is producing cash-crops for people in distant lands, and is also often steadily reducing the soil's inherent fertility.

Human progress, whether defined in material or cultural terms or as a mixture of both, stems from the ability of food-producers to feed not only themselves but a host of others who either create material goods or provide services which spell rising welfare. This is true, of course, of all forms of society. But historically the drive to increase the food surplus has accelerated when dominant and dynamic strata of hierarchical societies have striven to expand their wealth and power. This is why the periods of most rapid deforestation in the past have not necessarily been at the times when population was most rapidly expanding. They have occurred when the exploitation of subordinate groups (as well as of resources) has intensified. It is an oversimplification to regard deforestation as the consequence of population growth. It is nearer the truth, as the following chapters will show through a number of historical examples, to regard deforestation and population growth as joint manifestations of exploitative social relations.

That is why the World Bank(1977) was wide of the mark when it stated:

Growing population pressure has always been a major cause of forest depletion. Such adverse effects are now most pronounced in developing countries, a reflection of their typically greater population densities, more rapid population growth, their rural based economies, with large numbers of relatively low income people, and lack of conservation measures.

As we shall see, there is much evidence indicating that this view is erroneous. Deforestation, both historical and contemporary, is a more complicated matter than the World Bank at that time assumed. This is not to deny that in many parts of the world there exists a very real population problem, one which cannot be sidestepped or ignored, and which demands action if millions are not to suffer. But forests are disappearing today not simply because human numbers are growing. Their disappearance can spell catastrophe for people now living and for future generations. If we want to avoid that catastrophe, we must understand why the forests are disappearing. Only in the light of that understanding can measures be devised and action taken to avert disaster.

8. Britain up to Roman times

Roughly 10,000 years ago trees came back to Britain. With the ending of the last ice age, as the ice cap receded northwards for the last time, it was then still joined. Ireland was also connected to England so some of the recolonizing trees from the continent got as far as Ireland. First came birch, to be followed after a dozen centuries or so by pines. After the conifers came alders, hazel and then the other broadleaves, oak and elm. Trees with needles transpire less than trees with broad leaves: they retain their moisture better. That is how they survive long, cold dry winters, and why the boreal forest-right across Canada, Europe, the USSR, and northern China-is mostly conifers. In the warmer parts of the would, we find the conifers up in the mountains, where they chased the receding ice.

How is it known what kind of trees were around so many thousand years ago? By means of pollen analysis. Tree pollen is practically indestructible. There are well-preserved specimens of pollen from peat and the mud of lake beds, through well-dated geological sequences. Looking through a microscope it is easy to tell the pollen of one species from another(unless the species are closely related, when the picture can get a bit confusing).

The various species spread north and west. Alder, for example, reached Ireland just before the sea cut it off last to come was lime: it spread only through the lowlands of south-eastern England. There followed few thousand years(this was the warm Atlantic period) during which the several species battled it out among themselves. By 3000 BC Britain was covered with virgin forest. What did the look like? Possibly something like the Bialowezie forest on the Russo-Polish border, the central part of which has for many years been protected to remain in its natural state. If so, it must have been a tangled mess of both broadleaved and coniferous species, with trees of all types and all ages, healthy, sick, dying and dead.

A any given time some giant trees have already crashed, and are rotting and clearing space; others still standing are rotting on their feet and nearing collapse.

Between the forests of three thousand years ago(WHAT Oliver Rackham (1986)has called the wildwood)and the woodlands that survive today-a miserable few percent of the forests that once covered Britain-there is a direct line of descent. Mesolithic people followed from the continent soon after the trees came back, but they made little impact on the forest. The neolithic peoples, however, with their stone axes, made substantial clearings of wilewood for agriculture. There is evidence of the appearance of farmyard weeds from about 3000 BC. It is interesting that about that time elm went into a temporary decline for several centuries; this decline probably stemmed from the use of elm as browse rather than from a predecessor of the Dutch elm disease which has devastated Britain's elms in recent decades.

There was an acceleration in clearance of the wildwood during the Bronze Age, about 1700-500 BC, and again with the arrival of the Celts around 400 BC. Thus, particularly in southern England, quite significant inroads had been made in the wildwood for agriculture before the Romans came. And, indeed, a number of elementary forms of woodland management were already being practised: coppicing, for example, especially for poles for corduroy roads (constructed logs laid transversely), and for forest grazing. This pre-Roman investment in forest clearance took a great deal of effort. Of England's trees, only pine could be destroyed by fire; other species had to be grubbed out, with rudimentary tools and a large expenditure of labour.

The Roman occupation

Yet four centuries of Roman occupation had a greater impact on England's forests than all that had gone before. Under the occupation the population is estimated to have doubled; it also turned England and Wales into a major grain exporter to the Roman Empire, The rivers, which served as effective waterways, greatly reduced the cost of transportation, thus facilitating trade. Southern England was much more closely studded with Roman villas than was once thought. Most of them were, in effect, export farms. They were established not only on the light soils that had previously been worked, but also on new lands of heavy clay, rendered workable by improved iron ploughs. In addition, a good deal of dense forest was cleared.

Apart from clearing forest land for agriculture, the Romans needed wood for a wide variety of purposes: civil and military building and construction, and fuel for salt, mining and metallurgy, bricks and so on. The extent of iron working by the Romans in England and Wales suggests that much of the woodland was already managed on a coppicing system. Had 'cut and burn' been the rule, many of the forges would have run out of wood supplies much earlier than they did. As far as we know, the Romans introduced no great technical innovations in agriculture, though some modifications to the iron plough were made to enable it to cope with the heavier soils of the northern Roman provinces. But the colonizer's ability to produce an export surplus seems to have rested mainly on organization and administration. The importance of these factors in major economic changes has been evidenced by later historical examples. When plantation slavery expanded from the fifteenth century on, it depended on organization rather than on technical innovation or mechanization. Indeed, even the first phases of the industrial revolution depended not so much on power or mechanization as on the more effective organization and supervision of the workforce.

Though Roman rule extended far beyond Wales and the southern half of England, it is not clear how far northern England and southern Scotland were incorporated into the imperial wealth-extraction machine. The Romans were obliged to push further and further north to protect themselves from persistent border raiders. The remains of corduroy roads show they reached as far north as Fife and Perthshire. Much of the lowland forest was cleared for areas of tillage and pasture; some of these may have been 'buffer' settlements of subjugated tribes whose tribute helped to offset the costs of occupation.

The forests of England and Wales thus suffered their sharpest reduction in serving Roman imperialism, as did much of the accessible Mediterranean forest. Though there have been slight fluctuations in the amount of forest cover in Britain since the Roman left, Britain has remained one of the least forested countries in Europe. As a Roman colony, Britain typified the processes at work elsewhere in the Roman empire; but it was not altogether typical in the consequences of these processes. If deforestation in England and Wales did less permanent damage to the land than in the Mediterranean, this is because Britain enjoyed a more equable climate. With a mild climate, adequate rainfall, and reasonably fertile soils, deforestation had much less disastrous consequences in Britain than in some other parts of the Roman empire. where - as in Spain, for example, another major Roman colony - temperature contrasts are greater and rain less well distributed during the year, bared soils were subject to greater erosion, to the extent that considerable areas became infertile and remain so to this day..

9 Mediterranean forests in classical tines

In the Mediterranean area the kind of pressures which accelerated forest clearance in Britain have had a longer history. They have occurred over three millennia, and there is a continuing thread which links classical times, through the Middle Ages, to modern colonialism.

Russell Meiggs, one the few classical scholars to have closely studied forests in ancient times, observed: 'The conversion of forest to agriculture is a natural response to an increase in population, and it continued throughout our whole period [i.e. from the Bronze Age to the fall of the Roman Empire]'(Meiggs, 1982). Yet, as he goes on top show, this is far from being the whole of the story. In his account of deforestation in the ancient Mediterranean world he makes it clear that the stripping of forests for building fleets, for erecting imposing public buildings, and for growing export crops, was at least as important as the need to feed more people.

The neolithic peoples, when they spread through the Mediterranean, occupied the narrow coastal plains. their influence on the tree cover did not extend far up the mountain slopes. There was sufficient timber on or close to the Mediterranean littoral to generate long-distance trade in it, by rafting and floating. In Egypt, timber was sledded by large gangs of slaves. Timber rollers made possible the movement of the blocks which were used to build the great pyramid of Cheops, which weighed about 500 tonnes each, over a distance of 100 km., Sometimes timber was towed behind ships, and rafts of dense timber were supported by inflated sacks.

When the Greeks came to dominate the Eastern Mediterranean, their influence extended in all directions then accessible by sea, and their direct and indirect influence on the forests was much greater. It is common knowledge that the Freek world, to which we owe not only the idea of democracy but very word for it, was in fact a slave society. Even if free and independent farmers and craftsmen accounted for most production, the essential surplus, as De Ste croix(1981) has pointed out, was squeezed out of slave labour. As the Freek city states expanded, the forests on the plains and low hills were cleared for agriculture. Not all this agriculture was devoted to raising grain to feed the cities. Some large landowners found it more profitable to grow olives for export than to grow grain. This is an additional reason why the expanded production had to be increasingly supplemented by agricultural improts from other parts of the Mediterranean.

The growth of a small city-state into the Athenian empire would not have been possible without maritime supremacy. The naval fleet which defeated the Persians, and the trading ships which carried merchandise to and from all parts of the Mediterranean, were built of wood. This too had a considerable impact on the forests.

A number of writers of classical times, both Greek and Roman, registered an awareness of forest-soil-water relationships. The father of botany, Aristotle's student Theophrastus, who wrote Enquiry into plants, can also be regarded as the father of dendrology. Alexander the Great, also a student of Aristotle, took scholars with him on his expeditions, from whom Theophrastus collected botanical information on their return.

As Rome grew in power, steadily asserting its domination over the Italian mainland, its army and corps of administrators swelled. More food was needed to feed more non-food-producers. Greater incentives were offered to those willing to clear forests for agriculture. During the struggle with Carthage, full legal right to ownership was offered to anyone who would clear the equivalent of about 50ha of forest. In the middle of the second century BC, Rome finally conquered carthage, more or less at the same time as it brought Greece firmly under its control. Neither would have been possible had not Italy been sufficiently well forested to build a fleet capable of dislodging the Carthaginians from Sicily and commanding the Mediterranean. A couple of centuries later the African provinces were shipping enough grain to Rome to feed a million people for two-thirds of the year. The long arm of Roman imperialism reached out in all directions for grain, with consequent forest clearance. As we have seen, Britain was not immune. The deforestation of the Iberian peninsula also accelerated under Rome rule, though its present deforested stste owes most to the inroads of the Middle Ages and the later period of the Iberian domination of the seas. Iberia was a centre of ship-building and metallurgy in Roman times, exporting gold, silver, copper, zinc and iron. Other exports to Rome included cork. wool, wine and ceramics.

Feeding Rome's populace was a recurring political problem for its rulers. It might have been less of a problem if more of Roman agriculture had been directed to that end. But, just as in greece, there were periods when farms were left untended, returning soldiers flocked to the cities, land fell into the hands of the rich and much of that land was converted to pasture. Grain was imported from Sicily and Africa to feed the urban population, but large Italian landowners found it more profitable to prodece other crops and luxury items, employing slave labour to raise cattle and to cultivate vines and olives. Warming the populace of Rome in winter, and fuelling some of its industries, also took toll of the forests. Fuelwood was carried to Rome, by mule or donkey, from hills over 100km away. In addition, some of Rome's timber supplies came by sea to the port of Ostia Antica, where surviving mosaics indicate the traders' posts.

Homer, and such Roman writers as Virgil, Lucan, Horace and Ovid, were well aware that deforestation of watersheds could lead to devastating floods and siltation below. Upland areas, inaccessible to transport, retained their tree cover, but elsewhere conversion to agriculture, supplemented by metallurgy and natural fires, progessively diminished the forest area. Strabo tells how ore from Elba had to be transported to the mainland for processing because the forests of Elba had been exhausted.

It was transport difficulties which limited the extent to which wood(for construction or for fuel) could be moved, and these shaped much forest clearance. Nevertheless, wherever Imperial Rome established permanent colonies. whether in the Mediterranean or in Europe, the original forest was heavily cut, for example in the Rhone valley, in Spain, in southern England and Wales. Beyond the Alps, a vast expanse of forest spread north to the Baltic and west to the Atlantic, to survive until the growth of towns in the Mikkle Ages.

Throughout the classical period, where coastal plains were limited in extent it was natural for agriculture to move up into the hills. When times were difficult, farms would be abandoned, and some kind of forest would creep back. This process continued throughout succeeding centuries, the forest border ebbing and flowing. Even today, in many Mediterranean countries, terraces painstakingly built centuries ago to sustain hill farming are collapsing and giving way to mixed hardwood forest of little value. After the fall of Rome the Roman population fell, there were no great building programmes, and there was opportunity for some of the mountain forests to recover. Thus there was no great difficulty in obtaining large timbers for the basilicas of the tenth to the fourteenth centuries. But this was not the case everywhere. In some parts erosion had already gone too far.

Not all the loss of tree cover and forest degradation in the Mediterranean is attributable to the ancients, but they started the process. In the following centuries clearance for agriculture, overgrazing, fire and the goat have in many areas degraded the forest into maquis, or have destroyed the thin soil cover and pushed the land to the point of no return: to bare karst rock, or to arid desert.

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