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10. Britain after the Romans

When King John signed the Magna Carta at Runnymede in 1215, he undertook to discontinue certain traditional practices. These affected the material interests, and had increasingly aroused the hostility, of the barons, who were for the most part landed nobility. Some of the principal clauses of that charter had to do with the forests. Quarrels between the king and the barons about the forests were nothing new. However, hardly was the ink dry at Runnymede than John had second thoughts, tried to wriggle out of his commitments, and sent off a messenger to seek the Pope's permission to release him from the oath he had just taken. Permission was granted, but it arrived too late. Early in 1216 John died, to be succeeded by the nine-year-old Henry ¥². The barons lost no time in getting the boy-king to bind himself to Magna Carta, and a year later spelled out their most important demands in the Forest Charter, which the boy king also signed.

Why had the forests become so important? The Romans had turned southern England and Wales into a very productive colony, a valuable piece of real estate-one, moreover, where most of the heavy work of clearing forest to grow food crops had already been done. Though the land was still well wooded, forest cover was down to around 15 per cent ; very different from continental western Europe, still 90 per cent forested. This is one reason why, with the departure of the Romans in the fifth century AD, the Britons were not left in peace. Jutes, Saxons, Danes, and Vikings invaded various part of England, and many settled. Though contact with the Roman Empire ceased, and tribute was no longer paid, there was still an agricultural system from which a surplus could be squeezed and which petty kings fought over for centuries. The Anglo-Saxon takeover was gradual and not always violent. The invaders often settled on land which, with the collapse of the Roman Empire, was no longer needed for growing export crops. Most of this land was already farmland, and though the wooded areas may have been denser, they were little more extensive than they were centuries later. The Romans had gone, but there was still good land and labour to be exploited, and this led to rivalries, alliances, wars.

In fact, the Norman Conquest of 1066 was not the watershed in English history that some history books have led us to believe. William did not bring with him a feudal hierarchical system and impose this pyramid on a land of small, free, independent farmers. Well before 1066 the various Anglo-Saxon kings had a firm, exploitative system in force. Indeed, at court level, interchanges, including intermarriage, with the Normans had been going on for half a century before William the Conqueror took the throne, For the average Briton working the land, serf or free, the Norman Conquest probably meant little change at first. William rewarded his followers, organized an effective administration, and, in what came to be known as the Domesday Book, began the first detailed survey of national wealth, aimed at finding out the extent of his possessions and how far the nobility could be expected to contribute to the king's expenses. The Domesday Book was, in effect, an agricultural census, a forest inventory, and an income tax assessment. It is from the Domesday Book, which listed arable land, woods, pastures, commons and waste, spelled out title, and often therefore recounted much of the previous history of the land, that it is possible today to make reasonable guesses about the extent of the forest in the eleventh century and earlier. Woods, for example, were often recorded not by area but by the number of swine they would maintain on acorns and beech mast. But there are many difficulties in interpretation ; for example, sometimes the number cited was not the number of swine which the forest would support, but the annual fee payable in number of swine for the right to run swine in the forest.

The Norman kings have become famous for their afforestation. Today the word 'afforestation'means the creation of new forest on bare land by tree planting. But when land was afforested in Norman times, this simply meant that the king decreed that a certain area of land (whether that land belonged to him or not, and whether it carried trees or not)was henceforth Royal Forest, reserved for 'vert and venison' at the king's pleasure. Thereupon it became subject to separate Forest Laws, administered by separate Forest Courts. It was once thought that this Norman afforestation, like the Norman exploitation of peasant cultivators, had its precedent under the Anglo-Saxon kings. This view, it now transpires, was mistaken, being based on documents forged in the Middle Ages(Rackham, 1986, p.130). before William of Normandy's time a wild animal was not owned : it become the property of whoever subdued it, and Customary law settled any disputes over wildlife. William changed all that. The forgery just mentioned, alleging 'afforestation' precedents by King Canute, was intended to lend greater antiquity and legitimacy to the Forest Laws.

The 'king's pleasure', to which end land was designated Royal Forest, was not for the Norman kings simply a matter of hunting for fun. The forest was an important source of food. Venison was preserved by salting and sent to the court. Poachers were punished severely not because they were spoil-sports, but because they were stealing from the king's pantry. It is possible, too, that certain blocks of territory were afforested- brought directly under the jurisdiction of the Forest Laws-for defence purposes.

The Forest Charter which followed close on Magna Carta not only took all the lands which Richard and John had afforested out of the jurisdiction of the Forest Law ; it also reduced the maximum penalty for trespass against the kings' venison to imprisonment for a year and a day. Much emphasis has been placed by some writers on the reduced penalties embodied in the Forest Charter. But Rackham (1986) maintains that maximum penalties were seldom applied, and that for most offences rigorous penalties could be commuted into fines. The purpose of Forest Courts was thus not so much to punish as to raise revenue.

What upset the barons about royal afforestation was that it hit them where they least liked it : in their pockets. They resented the limitations to what they could do with their own property. Afforestation restricted access to their own game : it could involve destruction of their crops ; it could limit their right to license the taking of timber and the conversion to arable land. At the same time the barons remained responsible for the upkeep of the land and in many cases were obliged to lodge and feed the king, together with his whole entourage, when the court made its peregrinations through the land, administering the law and deciding cases.

What was even worse for them, the king would appropriate the nobles' privilege of exacting fines and fees, Indeed, as time went on, many of the fines inflicted on commoners for various practices became more in the nature of fees paid for the license to pursue those practices. Thus the royal forest become increasingly a prime source of the monarch's revenues, rather than an area reserved for the court's recreation and food. Fees and fines covered such things as the right to take dead wood, small wood and timber, the right to cut turves, the right to pasture livestock, assarting(permission to grub up trees and cultivate the land), licences to quarry, to make charcoal, to establish wood burning industries, and so on. Assarting was of particular importance, because it gave rise to money rents. Thus in essence, when the barons forced the Magna Carta and then the Forest Charter on John and Henry¥±, they were asserting their to do what they liked with their own land, In addition it rid them of the burden of periodically lodging and feeding the court, and returned to them the right to be as severe as they liked with peasants who presumed on their privileges.


Peasant resistance

The twelfth and thirteenth centuries, in England as in Europe, were a period of fairly steady growth in population and wealth. Crafts multiplied, trade, both local and distant, grew, and small towns, fairs and markets prospered. This required a greater surplus from agriculture, with greater exploitation of peasant labour, an extension of land under the plough, or both. In England this did not involve further forest reduction on any great scale, the forest having been largely cleared in earlier times.

But it was a period of rapid forest clearance in France and Germany : the process was led by the Cistercians and imitated by the temporal powers in france, and promoted by deliberate colonization eastwards and southwards by the German nobility. Thus by the middle of the fourteenth century much of Germany had been cleared and serious inroads had been made into the frontier forests of Poland, Bohemia and Hungary.

In the fourteenth century, successive waves of bubonic plague swept across Europe. One of its effects was to seriously deplete the work force, rendering it easier for peasants to escape from the land and find work in the nascent towns. But another consequence, all over Europe, was that the lords and landowners attempted to tighten their hold over their peasants and to increase the extent to which they exploited them.

The Peasants' Revolt in England, in 1381, was in many ways typical, and foreshadowed the kind of struggles which were to take place in Europe for centuries to come. The deeds of Wat Tyler and Jack Straw, the charters and promises they extracted from the boy-king Richard, and their subsequent betrayal and atrocious deaths, are well-knows parts of English history. Less familiar is the story of William Gryndecobbe, who rallied the common people of his area against the rapacious Abbot of St Albans. This time the peasants were not merely angered about what had always been one of the most burdensome requirements in feudal society ; this was labour rent or labour service, the duty to provide so many days' labour on the fields of the overlord at haymaking and harvest, precisely the times when peasant families most needed to be busy on their own plots.

They were also opposed to the Abbot's ban on them grinding their own corn, which he enforced by confiscating their millstones. They were obliged to carry their corn to the Abbot's mill and pay the necessary fee in kind. Similarly, the Abbot insisted on the peasants taking their home-woven cloth to the abbey for fulling-again, at a price. Marshalled by Gryndecobbe, the peasants tore up the abbey floor, which had been paved with their millstones, and demamded the original charter(which they assumed to exist, and in which they presumed their customary rights were enshrined) from the terror - stricken Abbot.

But it is clear from some of their actions that they were also resisting the Abbot's attempts to curb their customary rights in such woodlands as reminded in the area. When the procession of townsmen and some 2000 peasants from the Abbey's land swore an oath to be faithful to each other, they also broke down fences, burned down a forester's house, handed round branches of trees, and fixed a live rabbit on a pole on a pillory in the town : actions symbolizing the reassertion of ancient rights which had been taken from them. Throughout the counties where the peasants and some townsmen took up arms, they exacted vengeance only on those who were deemed to have cruelly exceeded their powers. The toll they took was negligible when compared with the exemplary punishment meted out to all the revolt's leaders and many of the participants once the established power succeeded in reasserting its authority.

Customary rights in the forest, in England as in Europe, were always a matter of high importance to the peasant. Throughout history they have figured in, and sometimes triggered, peasant resistance and struggle. The English experience in these years is one example among many of how the forests are affected by human social relations, with different classes and interest groups struggling with each other over how they are to be used.

11. The poor man's overcoat

The rural populations of these areas are imbued with the idea that they have been unjustly despoiled of property rights they have held from time immemorial.

These are the words of the chief government prosecutor in Toulouse in 1848, reporting on the forest fires which were being set, and the mutilation of trees, within the area of his jurisdiction. Similar words have applied, however, throughout Europe at various periods, though perhaps earlier in England than elsewhere, and apply even today in much of the rest of the world.

Peasants have seldom revolted simply because they were being exploited. Almost invariably they have regarded exploitation as their natural lot. Only when it has become too harsh have they been moved to collective anger and action. That is why their demands have always been limited, relatively modest, and backward-looking : the restoration of rights they have enjoyed from time out of memory ; the removal of some particularly cruel or unjust administrator. In so far as their demands have been political, have looked for a re-shaping of society, they have frequently looked backwards to some mythical 'golden age' rather than forwards to a new Jerusalem. But almost always, among the measures which pushed them to desperate action, have been restrictions of what they conceived as their rights in the forest.

When, in 1381, the Kentish peasants revolted against the nobles and the landowning clergy, they were seeking the restoration of rights to which they considered themselves entitled by custom and by charter. They profoundly believed that King Richard, when he heard their complaints, would ensure that justice was done and rights were restored. Even though power was within their grasp, they were not asking for a new society ; simply for a return to a past that had seemed supportable. Their faith was misplaced, as it has been countless times in the centuries which have followed. When peasants have succeeded in overthrowing the established power, it has usually been when they have allied themselves to other elements in society intent on changing power relationships : the fact that 57 their strength and resolve has been decisive has not necessarily meant that they have reaped the reward. The peasant revolt in England in 1381 was in many ways typical of what was to come in later centuries.

Folk-tale and ballad, too, frequently express the resentment of the common people at the landowning classes' attempts to monopolize the forest. The targets of Robin's Hood's exploits were the forest laws, the royal foresters, and the royal game. But also dating from the thirteenth century is the Norman-French poem Roman d'Eustache li Monine. Eustace, like Robin, was an outlaw who took refuge in the forest. His adventures almost exactly parallel those which go to make up the legend of Robin Hood.

It is impossible to be definite about the real-life originals of such legends. In all probability both Robin and Eustace, 'noble robbers', sprang from the lesser nobility and become outlaws because they had offended against the forest laws. Though not peasants themselves, they were joined by peasants on the run for analogous offences. Their daring deeds, always concerned with the righting of wrongs and with robbing the rich to give to the poor, were made possible by their ability to melt into the forest, and the refusal of common people to betray them made them popular heroes. Robin and Eustace, under other names, have reappeared time and again in many different countries, often in the flesh, but sometimes conjured in the popular imagination.

Just because the forest has afforded shelter to those at odds with the established power that power has, on many occasions through history, deliberately destroyed the forest, or tried to. In 1399, McMorough, king of Ireland, hid with 3000 of his men in the woods west of Kilkenny. Richard ¥± proposed burning them out ; he was dissuaded only because it was pointed out to him that the woods, mainly deciduous and in leaf, were not sufficiently flammable. In modern times, the US armed forces succeeded in inflicting considerable forest damage using napalm and Agent Orange in Vietnam, but that forest destruction did not save them from defeat.

Forested land does not generally become property until such time as those holding power decide that forest, or the land on which it stands, or what lies in or under that land, has a material value for them. It is not until then that land titles are established, and that land markets arise. It is then too that the process begins of exterminating, expelling, or simply dispossessing those whose present occupation of the land stands in their way. But title apart, in many parts of the world, and in particular in feudal Europe, dwellers in and near the forest held certain customary rights in the forest, even when possessing no title to the land. These have included, at different times, the right to graze animals in the forest or in forest clearings, the right to cut turf and peat, the right to fuelwood(sometimes only dead wood or snapwood), to a certain amount of wood for farm and home use (to build and repair, to make tools and instruments), and the 58 right to wood, osiers and bark for various crafts; the right to take game; the right to gather fruits, berries, nuts and fungi; and so on. These rights were always important; in years when harvests were poor or when winters were particularly rigorous they could make the difference between survival and death. This is why the forest became known as 'the poor man's overcoat'.

It was not only the farmer who depended on the forest. Rural craftsmen and artisans also depended upon the commons, woodlands and waste to provide secondary means of support. This recourse became and critical for them in bad times when trade was slack and demand for their goods and services low. Thus deforestation, and the curtailment of rights in the forest, was a matter of life and death for them too. This is why artisans were usually heavily involved in peasant uprisings.

Although England and Wales lost most of its tree cover much earlier than did continental Europe, the English peasant, free or unfree, and later the small tenant farmer depended heavily on the common or waste, whether treed or not. Through medieval times there were wood motes, courts concerned with the forest and with the determination of contested rights in the forest. But it became difficult to maintain these rights once the large landowners discovered the profits to be made out of wool and started to enclose the commons. This process continued through the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, so that by the time of the Civil Wars in the 1640s the wood motes had lapsed. By then, however, the rural social structure in England had become very different from that on the continent. Not only had the landowning class asserted political power ; the peasantry had been replaced by tenant farmers and landless agricultural labourers, while those expelled from the land sought work in the towns or became itinerant beggars.

Henry ¥·'s dissolution of the monasteries in the 1530s had accelerated enclosures. When the Reformation spread to England it had little to do with theology, and much to do with the wealth accumulated by the monasteries, and the flow of money, through the church, to Rome.

The rich pickings from dismantling the monasteries in England were redistributed among the landed aristocracy, who found the wool trade more profitable than traditional agriculture, who proved strong enough to frustrate the efforts of the monarchy to keep people on the land and prevent the threat of a growing class of landless and restless labourers.

While commons and waste were being enclosed in England, the poor man's overcoat in Ireland was also being sharply cut back. The English colonized Ireland in Tudor times and strengthened their hold in the succeeding century. Ireland was never as heavily wooded as Britain. Much of the land area was too high, too rocky or too boggy to be tilled or even to support tree cover. As English colonists took over the land from Irish subsistence farmers they met with resistance, and an Act of 1612 obliged owners to clear all trees and bushes growing on highways and passes 59 (tracks)through their land. Many of the displaced Irish took refuge in the woods, became outlaws or woodkernes. Some years before the Act a help to the rebels'(McCracken, 1971). Wolves and woodkernes were regarded as the most serious danger to the colonists, and manhunts were recommended to track the human wolves to their lair. The rewards for the destruction of wolves and woodkernes were much the same. The woodkernes came later to be known as tories, from the Irish toir (to search), and tory hunting continued to the end of the century. The shelter which the forests afforded the outlaws was one more reason for destroying the forests. These are the reasons why Ireland's forest cover, 12per cent in 1600, had fallen to 2per cent by 1800.

Much has been written about the seizure of common lands by the landowning classes in England ; less has been written about the extinction of common rights. But the forests of England, like those of the continent, continued to be the scenes of bitter struggle until those common rights were effectively suppressed. Resistance took the form of poaching, wood stealing and tree destruction. This was usually done by night, and the lawbreakers blacked their faces to reduce the chances of their being recognized-at times they even worn growns. In 1723 the British Parliament under Walpole rushed through, in the record time of four weeks, and without debate or discussion, the Black Act. This created fifty new capital offences, including hunting, wounding, or stealing deer in the royal forests, or anywhere else if the offenders were armed or disguised ; cutting trees 'planted in any avenues, growing in any orchard or plantation' ; and a variety of similar offences. As if this were not enough, within a year court judgements had widened the scope of this Act to make disguise-the blacking of the face-a capital offence in itself.

In Britain the economy had developed very differently from that on the continent. Consequently the rural social structure was very different, and the offenders were not peasants (as on the continent) but small tenant farmers, agricultural labourers, rural unemployed and the like. It is hard for us now to imagine the savagery with which property was protected in England but a few generation ago. In 1748 two young men were caught raiding deer in the park of Viscount Cobham. Their wives begged the nobleman to spare their husbands'lives. He promised to return their husbands to them the following day. So he did, sending home their corpses on doors. Yet the Black Act did not succeed in safeguarding the forests, the timber they struck terror into the heart of poachers and marauders ; sometimes they were terrorized in their turn by the victims of the laws they sought to administer.

Forest struggles in Europe

The forests of much of continental Europe survived longer than did those of England and Wales. The major part of the forests bordering or close to the Mediterranean had substantially disappeared in classical times. In other parts of Europe where Rome established permanent colonies, the original forest was also heavily cut : for ship-building, for the treatment of ores, and for the establishment of export farms. This happened in the Rhone vally, valley, spain, southern England, and Wales. However, that still left a vast expanse of forest spreading from the Alps north to the Baltic, and west to the Atlantic. These forests remained intact until the spread of town in the Middle Ages, and those in northern and eastern Europe remained a bar to overland transport until the German nobility started to colonize Prussia and Eastern Europe.

During the Middle Ages the Church was one of the largest owners of property throughout Europe. It extended its wealth and power by clearing forested land for conversion to agriculture, usually with scant regard for peasant needs in the forest. The Cisterians were exceptional in that they recognized the interdependence of forestry and agriculture and normally ensured adequate woodland areas around their clearings.

Besides being the largest landowner, the Church was often savagely punitive when it considered its rights trespassed. The significance of landed property to the church is exemplified by Archbishop Michael of Salzburg, who in 1538 sentenced a man to death simply for eating a stag that was shot by someone else, but found dead in his field. The actual poacher was publicly executed by being sewn into deer skins and thrown to hungry blood hounds.

In Europe, the mainstream Reformation changed the beneficiaries, but little of the harshness, of rural exploitation, When, in 1517, Martin Luther nailed his Theses to the church door at Wittenberg he was railing against the vices and commercialism of a corrupt Roman church ; he was not calling into question the established social order. Nevertheless his Theses did imply that even the poor were God's children. In the towns the ideas of the Reformation fed anti-clericalism and resentment against the social and economic privileges of the clergy. In the countryside notions of equality spread like wildfire, and set alight the smouldering social discontent which led to the Peasant War of 1524-6.

The 'charter' around which the peasant movements of southern Germany coalesced the 'Twelve Articles' adopted at Memmingen in 1525, was a fusion of religious and social demands, partly inspired by Luther's former follower and radical critic, the anabaptist preacher thomas Munzer. It sought freedom from serfdom and feudal burdens, and the right to elect clergy. In addition, a number of the demands aimed to restore commoners' customary rights, eroded by landlord' use of Roman law : rights to cut wood and take game in the forest, and to fish in streams.

The peasant movement was suppressed by the union of protestant princes, the Swabian League, with appalling brutality, perhaps as many as to see his doctrines being put at the service of the rural poor, and swiftly took the side of landed property. His abusive pamphlet of 1525, 'Against the murdering, thieving hordes of the peasants', drove home his conviction that salvation was to be had only in the next world, and gave theological justifications for the extermination of peasants that the german princes'armies were engaged upon.

Germany was not the only European country where landlords and forest owners sought to spread their title to the land and what stood on it and lay under it. France, too, experienced peasant risings which continued into the nineteenth century, and in which peasants' claims to uses of the forest were almost invariably an issue, Few read crossed the forests, and brigands and outlaws found safe haven there. Rural crime was widespread, much of it the consequence of conflicts between poachers and gamekeepers, smugglers and customs men, peasants and forest guards. Country people strove hard to retain their traditional practices. In the Pyrenees friction over forest rights, with attempts to arrest locals, led to what were described as 'insurrections'

Nor was it always simply a question of defence of traditional rights. When, in the French Revolution, much of the monarchy's forest land was confiscated for 'the Nation', villagers were prone to interpret this in an all-too-immediate sense, drawing the conclusion that the woodlands had become common property. In 1793 it was reported to the Convention from the area of Corbeil that whole villages, led by their mayors, were stripping the forest for timber and fuelwood, and chasing away the gendarmerie. In other rural areas in the Paris region the Revolutionary Army spent much of its time searching houses for pilfered wood.

The harsh winters of 1795 and 1796 much aggravated the problem, Public prosecutors expressed their despair at the scale of theft from the forest and local justices' communes, wrote the commissaire of Hazebrouck court to the Minister of JKustice, 'consider the forest [of Nieppe], because it is national, as their own, and, holding this view, daily commit devastations and degradations that it is impossible to describe to you . . . this court . . . is presently faced with at least 200 indictments for forest crimes., His colleague from Marchiennes declared bluntly that the countryside was reduced to misery, and that the inroads into the forest could not be halted without a considerable armed force.

With such tensions, the profession of forest guard could be a perilous one if pursued with too much zeal. One guard was stabbed to death in broad daylight in the main square of a village in the spring of 1796 and, added the report to the Minister of Justice, 'the assassin is known, but it is impossible arrest or try him because in this area no-one dare testify or tell the truth.' The forest guards were themselves extremely savage, empowered to carry weapons and displaying an alarming readiness to kill. In certain areas they succeed in establishing little local despotisms, reserving themselves traditional monopolies over hunting rights.(These incidents from the years of the French Revolution are described by Cobb (1975, chapter 2).

Well into the Empire it was the most heavily forested areas of Rrance which continued to present the authorities with the greatest problems of public order. And the late years oh the Restoration saw the conflicts rekindled by the Forest Code of 1827, which sought further to limit access to the forest, and threatened to deprive many poorer peasants of rights indispensable to life. The foresters, rangers and guards recruited under the Forest Code came mostly from the unemployed. The aim of the code was to preserve existing stands and create new forests to build ships for the navy(however, the advent of iron hulls around the middle of the nineteenth century meant that ships were not, in fact, built of wood by the time the new plantings matured). For peasants, the Forest Code meant that their rights to graze their animals and to gather firewood were further curtailed. All over France, rural crime soared once more : and again, not merely trespass and theft, but also acts of vengeance against the guards and against the forests themselves. Army and national guard had to be called in to quell riots(as in Gens in 1828 and Cantal in1839)in which the poor cut down thousands of trees. Crimes connected with forestry ran high for years and began to fall only after the 1859s, when offences began to be treated with greater leniency. But this period left its mark on popular tradition and the rural poor continued to view the forest guard as an enemy.

Perhaps one of the most spectacular episodes occurred at Ariege in the Pyrenees in 1829. Here a new iron smelting operation caused all the local forest owners to insist on saving, for sale to the smelters, every stick of available firewood in the forest. Forest policing was stepped up, and punishments likewise. Violence erupted, and the Demoiselles-bands of men disguised in long shirts and bonnets, often with blackened faces to avoid recognition-ranged the countryside at night to strike against gendarmes, forest guards, jails and harsh landowners. Thus the Demoiselles echoed the offenders against the Black Act in Britain a century earlier. Moreover, they had a somewhat savage way of exacting revenge on foresters. They would cleave a log, force the forester's hand into the cleft, and hold the hand there until they had withdrawn the axe. Often the forester was left with a permanently maimed hand to remind him of the dangers of enforcing unpopular laws. In 1848 the General Council of Ariege explained that the peasants had grown to hate the forests themselves, and now thought that the more they ravaged them the sooner they would get rid of their oppressors.

However, towards the end of the century forest crimes in France had fallen to near zero. The yearly average in the 1830s was 135000, in 1910 only 1798. The draining of population from the countryside, the fact that finally 'turned past injustice into present usage'.

Uprisings or resistance against local princes and church dignitaries occurred repeatedly in the centuries following the late Middle Ages throughout most of continental Europe north of the Alps. And almost invariably, among the peasants' demands were, besides the right not to be called away from working their own lands to working the lord's land at critical seasons in the farming calendar, demands directly related to restoring rights they had formerly held in the forest.

Such struggles had one very significant and little-realized consequence for the history of political thought. It was thefts of wood in Germany which led Karl Marx to study more deeply the socio-economic basis of political action. the rising value of wood, and the consequent clampdown of large land and forest owners, meant that five-sixths of all prosecutions in Prussia concerned wood thefts, while the proportion in the Rhineland was even higher. Marx in an article for the Rheinische Zeitung in 1843attacked the proposal that keepers should have sole right to decide when an offence was committed and to assess the damages. He argued that the state should defend customary law against the rapacity of the rich. The Purssische staats-Zeitung had advised law givers 'that, when making a law about wood and timber, they are to think only of wood and timber, and are not to try to solve each material problem in a political way.' It was this issue that brought a turning point in Marx's thinking, leading him to concentrate on socio-economic realities rather than on strictly legal issues. Later on Engels confirmed that he had 'always heard from Marx that it was precisely through concentrating on the law of thefts of wood and the situation of the Mosel wine growers, that he was led from pure politics to economic relationships and so to socialism.'

As we shall see in later chapters, the process of suppressing common fights in the forest is confined to the historic past nor to Europe. When the forest is seen as having commercial value, realizing that value frequently involves extinguishing pre-existing rights. This was true of the colonizing powers throughout the colonial period, and it is equally true of the regimes which have succeeded them.

'The poor man's overcoat' is a European expression, and reflects the age-old dependence of the rural population and of some artisans and craftsmen on the forest to supplement their living and at times ensure their survival. That dependence has, in the direct sense, almost vanished today. There are still, in some European countries, pockets of rural poor who would be hard put to it to get by without access to the forest for supplemental income, but these are getting fewer each year.

Over much of the Third World, however, the expression still has a very real significance for rural people, including forest dwellers, and efforts to strip the poor of their rights in the forest continue to evoke resistance and sometimes armed uprising.

There is a certain irony in the fact that European peasant risings (in which rights to the forest were almost invariably involved) found their ideological justification in that most subversive of books, the Bible ; while today, as peasants are being thrown off their land in Brazil and other Latin American countries, in the Philippines, Indonesia and elsewhere in Asia, they find their strongest allies in the lower ranks of the priesthood.

















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