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12. The European assault on the tropical forests

We have seen that when the Mediterranean civilizations blossomed, they could no longer feed themselves. That meant they had to colonize other areas: either by the direct settling of labour to produce food in foreign lands; or by the moulding of markets in the colonies to generate the surplus required. Grain imports by the Greek city-states presaged the much greater impact of the food requirements of Imperial Rome. In Rome as in Greece, when cheap grain imports became available, large landowners turned to more profitable crops: olives, vines, pasture for cattle.

In the centuries that followed the conquest of Rome by the Huns, some of the Mediterranean forests had time to recover. Over the last two millennia, tree cover in the Mediterranean has fluctuated against a steadily downward trend. During periods of depression, the natural forest crept back, except in areas which had become too eroded or arid. When more prosperous times returned, land was reclaimed from the forest once again.

The Mediterranean continued as the centre of 'western' civilization for many centuries, though the locus of power continuously shifted. The eastern Mediterranean came into prominence following the fall of Rome, but by 1200 the Italian trading cities had won back much of the Eastern trade, and successively dominated the Mediterranean. With upsurge of trade and population, foreshadowing the fourteenth-century Renaissance, deforestation accelerated. The expanding maritime republics-Pisa, Venice, Genoa-took over much of the easter trade from Jew, Syrians, Greeks and Arabs. Their fleets, naval and merchant, required ample supplies of ship timber; Venice, for example, drew timber supplies from northern Italy, from what is now Slovenia, and from the Dalmatian coast.

Their growing populations made it necessary to step up food imports as well as to convert suitable nearby forest land to agriculture. These city-states also represented growing internal markets for luxury imports such as spices, silks, indigo and sugar, and for slaves. Moreover they had ample funds to invest. The Italian colonies in the Levant and the Black Sea became, in Verlinden's phrase, virtual laboratories for the testing of commercial companies, colonial adminstration and finance, for long-distance trade and plantation agriculture(quoted in Davis, 1984,p.54)

In particular, the commodity which centuries later was to become the main factor in tropical deforestation-sugar-came to play an important role in the deforectation of the Mediterranean. It was the Crusaders who met with sugar in Palestine and carried back the taste for it to Europe. It was the Muslims who had brought back sugar from India via Persia, making the Middle East a sugar growing and refining centre by the thirteenth century. Sugar was still a luxury good: it is reported that under the Mameluke Sultans, the Cairo court consumed 300tones monthly.

When the Crusaders were finally dislodged from the Holy Land in 1291, many of the princes and nobles settled in Cyprus. They proceeded to turn Cyprus into a sugar island. Soils and climate were right for growing cane, water was available for power and processing, the forests supplied fuelwood for energy, and the peasant population was harnessed to the task.

Two centuries later, as Venice steadily gained ascendancy in the eastern Mediterranean, the Venetians joined in the Cyprus sugar trade, first as shippers and agents, subsequently obtaining concessions for the creation of plantations and the erection of refineries. Finally, in 1492, the Venetian took possession of the island, turning it in effect into a huge Venetian sugar plantation-cum-refinery.

The Black Death had sent up the demand for slaves in Europe, but these slaves were still predominantly white, drawn from the Balkan and Black Sea areas, as in classical times. Only when the fall of Constantinople in 1454 cut off that supply did the Mediterranean switch to black slaves from Africa. By the late fifteenth century the plantation areas, mainly sugar and vines, in Sicily, Majorca and elsewhere were predominantly worked by blacks. In other words, the American form of slavery was invented shortly before America was discovered.

Thus, Mediterranean deforestation was not, as some have supposed, a simple affair of ship timber, the goat, and the progressive clearance by ever-increasing local populations of their nearby forests to make more farm land. Certainly hillsides were stripped to build ships. Certainly from time to time the spread of goats ensured that the forest could no longer regenerate. But equally certainly the periods of most rapid deforestation coincided with the pressing new need to feed growing empires and support the consequent build-up in the categories of non-food-producers.

In the second half of the fifteenth century the development of a sea-route round Africa by Portuguese navigators and merchants enabled this small country to displace Venice as the major power in trade with Asia. In the 80 years following Diniz Diaz's discovery of Cape Verde in 1445, Portuguese traders penetrated round Africa, along the coasts of India(which Vasco da Gama reached in 1498)and, by 1516, to China. Equally momentous was the development of Portuguese colonialism in the Atlantic islands and the Americas.

At the centre of this lay the massive expansion of sugar cultivation. Hitherto, sugar in Europe had been a luxury commodity rather than a foodstuff, sold in small quantities by apothecaries, and included, on occasion, in royal dowries. The warm and humid climates of the Atlantic islands, in combination with African slave labour, made it possible to grow sugar cheaply enough for it to enter widely into western European town-dwellers' diets. Sugar-cane growing, and with it deforestation, spread from such centres as Cyprus, Crete, Malta and Sicily to the Atlantic islands, and it was there that the early stages of European imperialism were built.

By 1490 the output of Madeira, the first sugar monoculture based on black slaves, exceeded that of the whole Mediterranean. In due course the change involved massive forest destruction in Madeira, San Tome, the Canary Islands, and the Azores. Following Columbus's transatlantic navigations of the 1490s, it was these islands which provided the pattern for New World plantation slavery.

The drive to the West

Europe's first economic interest in the Americas was in looting precious metals. This objective, genocidally pursued by a series of Spanish freebooters, powered the European banking system and economy and furnished, as a spin-off, fortunes and nobility to a number of British pirates. But commercial production soon became comparably important.

Of the many colonial crops from which European fortunes were made in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries it was sugar-'white gold'-that proved the cost important. It was also the most destructive of forest, for not only did it require the clearance of land to grow the cane on, but converting the cane to sugar devoured vast quantities of fuelwood.

One of Columbus's landfalls on his second voyage was the island which he christened Hispaniola (today Haiti and the Dominican Republic). He was delighted to find that the sugar cane roots which he had brought from the Canaries rapidly took hold when he planted them. However, it was again Portugal, in conjunction with Dutch capital, which took the lead in planting sugar.

The Portuguese developed plantations for the European market in the highly fertile coastal area of high rainfall in north-east Brazil(claimed for Pedro Cabal in 1500) in the early sixteenth century. At first, the planters experimented with indigenous slaves, but the South American Indians proved uncooperative labourers, and soon Portugal was exploiting its west African possessions to ship negro slaves across the Atlantic.

Eventually Portugal declined and was incorporated into the Spanish monarchy in 1580, to be displaced by Spain's economic and religious enemies-first the rebel Dutch, and then the English. In the early seventeenth century many of the sugar lands of Brazil passed by concession to the Netherlands, and thus to the Dutch merchants who had been involved in the trade from much earlier. Later, Holland was supplanted by Britain, establishing her dominance over Portugal; at the same time the Dutch, the British and later the French were establishing large numbers of sugar plantation in the West Indies. The Caribbean was closer to the European market, but another important reason for the shift was the denudation of forests and the exhaustion of soils in the Brazilian plantation. Monoculture dominated to the extent that, even in the late sixteenth, food was being imported from Europe to this immensely fertile region to feed the plantation owners and their staffs. Coastal Pernambuco continues to this day, due to the destruction begun in the sixteenth century, to be one of the world's most impoverished sugar-producing areas, still known as the 'forest zone', despite the fact that its original rich forests survive only as pitiful traces.

A similar pattern was repeated across the Caribbean from the middle of the seventeenth century onwards, the plantation economy destroying the ecology of island after island, then moving on. Deforestation took place everywhere, and was in some of the islands devastatingly rapid. The extensive forest cover in Barbados, for example, had gone within four decades of the start of English colonization in 1627. The first settlers, helped by Arawak Indians brought from Guiana, cleared coastal areas for food and small scale commercial crops. Two decades later the island's agriculture was revolutionized ; small-scale cotton and tobacco estates gave way to large sugar cane plantations, requiring much more capital and large numbers of negro slaves.

By 1666 the island had 800 plantations and over 80000 slaves. The greater profits yielded by the new plantations, together with the increased population required to operate them, inaugurated the final intensive phase of forest destruction. A 1671 report observed that 'at the Barbadoes all the trees are destroyed, so that wanting wood to boyle their sugar, they are forced to send for coales from England.' That did not prove economic ; instead they imported wood for fuel, first from New England (which by the end of the seventeenth century was becoming a substantial exporter of both timber and fuelwood), and later from adjacent islands. The cost of such imports, however, together with the fact that soil fertility was declining, pushed the price of Barbadian sugar to uncompetitive levels. After Barbados it was the turn of other islands ; the Leewards, Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica, the Guianas on the South American coast. In the second half of the eighteenth century Saint Dominique became the focus of the shifting boom in importing slaves and exporting sugar : in the year 1787 alone 40000 slaves were brought into the French colony. The scale of brutality, together with the opportunities presented by political turmoil in France, engendered the Caribbean's first successful slave rebellion, led by Toussaint L'Ouverture, and graphically described in C.L.R. James's (1980) The Black Jacobins ; later, in 1825, the territory, crushed under a huge French indemnity, was to be given independence as Haiti. The wars of rebellion, and subsequent blockades of Saint Dominique, however, drove up the price of sugar in Europe, and brought about the conversion of Cuba to its almost total dependence on sugar. The price of lands for plantations in the Oriente region increased more than twentyfold in th late eighteenth century. The island which the first European explorers described as so richly forested-its fine hardwoods were cut for the window frames of the Escorial and the doors of the royal palace in Madrid-had its forests ruthlessly cut down or burned. Well into the twentieth century palanqueros made a living on the Rio Sagua, searching with iron-tipped poles for hardwood logs in the river bed, and disinterring the remains of trees that the rush for sugar land had felled and discarded.

The fortunes made by despoiling the West Indies and South America were usually enjoyed abroad ; some of England's finest landscaped parks, as well as the magnificent Codrington Library at Oxford, arose from despoiling the forests of the Caribbean. But it was not only the 'renewability' of the forest that was ignored : the whole plantation economy rested, until the early nineteenth century, upon the massive and barbaric transport of slaves from West Africa. Even with the horrific death rates on the slave ships it often remained, as a Jamaican planter remarked, 'Cheaper to buy a nigger than to breed one.' The fate of the indigenous peoples at the hands of plantation colonialism was even worse. The entire aboriginal population of the Caribbean was exterminated by the early European settlers.

Conquering bandierantes in colonial Brazil hunted Indians like animals ; genocide was given a gruesome further twist by the rubber collector's in the Amazon basin in the early twentieth century, who, like some colonists in North America over a century earlier, distributed smallpox-infected blankets to the Indians. As so often subsequently, it was the same forces that devoured people and forests.

Sometimes-and this was particularly the case for Central America and Mexico-the initial impact of the European assault was much more disastrous for the people than it was for the forests. The volcanic soils of the hills and alluvial soils of the upland valleys sustained a fairly dense population before the Spaniards arrived ; the moist evergreen forest of the Caribbean and Pacific coasts sheltered scattered shifting cultivators. With the Spaniards came the implantation of export-oriented agriculture and a variety of diseases which ravaged the indigenous population.

Of the cash crops for the European market, only sugar was new. This had but little impact since, more distant from Europe, it was insufficiently competitive to spread widely. The other products, indigo and cochineal, did not involve forest destruction. The decline of Spain entailed a decline in Central American exports, and for two centuries the region remained a backwoods. Its revival came in the nineteenth century as first the hill forests were cleared for coffee for the English market, then next, the lowland forests were cleared for bananas for the US market.

Even so, in 1950 the region still retained 40 billion ha forest. The next four decades saw this figure halved. The reason for this accelerated clearance has been the growing concentration of land holding in the hands of a limited number of rich landowners. To earlier export crops have been added cotton and beef. Peasants have acted as land-clearers for the local beef barons, only to be subsequently dispossessed and pushed into the hills. There they have no alternative but to hack away at the remaining forest, bringing about widespread erosion. Though the 'hamburger connection'(beef exports to the USA)peaked in 1980, the highly skewed land distribution, coupled with rapid population growth, means continuing pressure on the remaining forests. Even in Nicaragua, the only country in the region to have carried out land reform land hunger has not been assuaged. Further forest clearance for agriculture seems inevitable.

Sugar planting was only one of the most spectacular, and earliest, components of the European assault on the tropical forests, which began in the sixteenth century, and became widespread in the seventeenth. Coffee, cacao, tea, abaca, indigo, palm oil, fruit, rubber-all engendered both direct and indirect destruction of forests not only in South and Central America, but also throughout Asia and in Africa. The assault has concentrated on different areas at different times. Sometimes the impact on the forests has been immediate; sometimes it has been long delayed.

Reaching out to the east

The account of the European assault given so far may have created the impression that the Europeans were the first to clear tropical forest, that the forests they cleared were empty of people, or nearly so, and that the objective of forest clearance was always to establish plantations. But this is not so. Over much of Asia, and to a certain extent in West Africa and in parts of Central America, there had already been substantial clearance of tropical and subtropical forest before Europeans came on the scene. The country profiles set out in the chapters of Part ¥² provide glimpses of the manner and extent of pre-European deforestation. But the impact of Europeans on Asian forests, directly and indirectly, was both more far reaching and more shattering.

It was the immense profits to be made from luxury products of the east when brought to Europe that motivated the early explorers. Even the westward drive described above was sparked off by the search for a new way to the east ; hence the general description, 'West Indies'. For centuries, luxury goods had found their way to the Mediterranean and to Europe. The journey was long, partly overland, and perilous. But demand was rising and profit prospects were unlimited.

These commodities were not, of course, the products of barbarians. Long before Europeans came on the scene, there had already been built up over much of Asia many petty kingdoms and several important civilizations. Firmly exploitative systems were already in place, with the efforts of local rulers to expand the agrarian surplus entailing continuous forest clearance by slaves or petty cultivators.

These systems were mainly based on wet rice cultivation using irrigation which provided a large rice surplus. In Central Java, for example, kingdoms had risen and fallen for centuries before the Dutch arrived in 1641. Some of these societies had left remarkable monuments : Borobudur on Java (dating from the ninth century) was paralleled by Angkor Wat (Kampuchea), Haripunjaya (Thailand) and others. Thus, when the Europeans arrived, Asia was no empty jungle waiting to be discovered. There were developed societies, and a considerable volume of inter-Asian trade. The luxury goods which had been finding their way to Europe were of no great importance in the total Asian context. But with the arrival of the Europeans, local rulers seized their opportunities and negotiated with the merchant ventures and other intermediaries.

The Portuguese had been the first to establish trading posts on the Mozambique, Mombasa among many in Africa ; Goa, Calicur, Cochin, Malacca, the Moluccas, Timor, Macao and elsewhere in Asia. When all Iberia was consolidated under the Spanish Hapsburgs late in the sixteenth century, Spain dominated all Latin and Central America, Milan and Naples, Sardinia and Sicily, and the Philippines. With the Spanish decline, coinciding with the diminished flow of wealth from the Americas, the Dutch began to take over. They had already reached Japan in 1600 and China in 1601. The Dutch East India Company, established in 1602, excluded the English, the Portuguese and the French from India. Batavia(now Jakarta) was settled in 1619 and Dutch domination of Java was assured by the massacre of the English at Amboyne in 1627.

The key to taking over and developing trade and to establishing the kind of colonial domination which would build up the wealth of the mother country, its traders and settlers, was mastery of the seas. The empire on which the sun never set was not acquired in a fit of absence of mind ; it was built up gradually, with a number of setbacks, as British naval power steadily grew and coped successfully with its rivals : Spain in the sixteenth century, the Dutch in the seventeenth, and the French in the eighteenth.

In the early stages of the eastward drive, merchant enterprise was sponsored by the metropolitan nation states (as in the drive to the west) ; subsequently private capital was accorded any necessary military or naval support by the state ; finally, capital was amalgamated with the state, which assumed political authority, and took over possession of the conquered lands. The objectives steadily broadened. At first the aim had been to take over existing lucrative trade, and then to expand it by developing trade in other commodities.

In addition to the profits from trade, the European traders sought to siphon off some of the agrarian surplus normally taken by local potentates, all too evident from the conspicuous consumption which characterized their courts. Then, over and above any profit accruing to private individuals and companies, the metropolitan state itself needed to exact tribute, in kind or in cash. It had to finance its machinery of control, civil and military ; and, of course, it wanted a share of any available profits. To this end, it resorted to a variety of devices, including land taxes and poll taxes. But to exact tribute in this way required an economic transformation and a money economy. Domestic agriculture had therefore to be switched from subsistence crops to cash crops. The consequence was greater pressure on the rural population and on the land, leading inevitably to further forest clearance.

The quest for wood

The experiences of Indonesia, India and the Philippines(see Part ¥²) reveal that on the whole it was the indirect impact of the Europeans on the forests which was most severe. But the direct impact, from quite early days, included not only clearance for export crops and clearance to expand the area of land under agriculture(and hence land revenue), but also the felling of valuable forests for timber. In this, it was the British who had the greatest overseas impact : her 'wooden walls' required immense amounts of first class timber, and wooden ships had no great longevity. Besides, Britain was the least forested of all the metropolitan powers. Timber had been of some importance in the westward drive. For example, long before Cuba became a sugar island it was a major shipbuilding centre for the Spanish navy. The long period of Iberian domination of the seas had severely hit the more accessible forests of both Spain and Portugal, causing faster deforestation than at any time since the peninsula had formed part of the Roman Empire. Much later, the North American colonies were a principal supplier, both before and after independence, of ship timber to Britain. But, apart from the Caribbean and North America, there were, in Central and South America, few forests of the quality encountered in South and South-east Asia. Thus, during the westward expansion logging was not a significant cause of deforestation. There were, of course, valuable species, but these were nowhere found in concentration : that is why mahogany was 'hunted'.

In the east, even before India had become 'the jewel in the crown', a dispatch in 1803 from the Court of Directors of the East India Company enquired how far the British Navy could depend on a permanent supply of teak timber from Malabar. Soon afterwards the Company succeeded in having transferred to it all the royalty rights in teak trees claimed by former governments. Unauthorized fellings were prohibited, and a Captain of the Police was appointed the first ever Conservator of Forests on the subcontinent, with the task of extinguishing all private rights in the forest. Later on, British wood needs, both for the home market and the expansion of the infrastructure in the subcontinent, made giant inroads first into the teak and sal forests of Northern India and finally into the Himalayas.

In burma the main attraction for the British was the magnificent teak forests, which had long supplied timber in inter-Asian trade. In 1847 staff from the Pembroke dockyard arrived to buy Admiralty teak. Moulmein became both a shipyard and a timber export centre. Ships built there included a 1000 ton frigate for the Royal Navy, and exports of teak rose to 12000 tons annually. Pleas for conservation were ignored ; there was tremendous waste in the forests(rarely visited by representatives of the Company) and no efforts to replant.

Forest clearance for timber occurred only where the forests were rich in desired species and reasonably accessible, as in Burma, parts of India, and later Siam and the Malay States. But forests were penetrated, though not necessarily cleared, for particular species which were highly prized. One such wood, formerly found in many parts of tropical Asia, has now almost completely disappeared. Sandalwood has a strange history, worth recounting because of its surprising consequences.

Sandalwood

Sandalwood is highly valued for many secular purposes, but above all as an incense wood. The buddhists of India had their own sources of sandalwood : Malabar, Coromandel. But ever since Buddhism flourished in China, that country has constituted the greatest market for sandalwood. From the sixth century onwards traders Arab, Persian, Chinese-carried sandalwood from India and the East Indies to China, exchanging it for silk. From the fifteenth century first Portuguese, then Dutch and English, carried on the same trade.

As supplies dried up, European explorers, traders and whalers discovered sandalwood scattered through the Pacific Islands. Though less valuable than Indian supplies, the new finds were cheaper to acquire. When the demand for tea in Britain rocketed towards the end of the eighteenth century, China was the only source (it was another century before tea plantations in Assam and Ceylon provided an alternative). China spurned all Britain could offer, even Lancashire cottons, and to fill Britain's tea cups traders raided sandalwood throughout the Pacific.

This story had a surprising postcript. British settlers in Australia became even more addicted to tea drinking than Britons in the homeland. But this one-way trade with China became an extravagant drain on currency. As soon as the East India Company's monopoly on the China trade was broken in 1834 the merchants and mariners of Sydney and Hobart seized their opportunity, and scoured the Pacific for this saleable commodity. First, Fiji's sandalwood was cleared. Then the Marquesas (discovered in 1814) ware stripped within three years. Next came Hawaii, to be followed by the clearance of supplies in the then virtually unknown islands of southwest Melanesia : Eromonga and other southern New Hebrides, the Isle of Pines, Loyalty Islands, New Caledonia, and Espiritu Santo.

All these were areas carefully avoided by Europeans since Cook's voyages because of the ferocity of the inhabitants and the fear of cannibalism. Only the prospect of quick riches from sandalwood broke down the barrier of fear. Thus it was sandalwood that brought many Pacific islanders their first sight of Europeans, and introduced to these stone-age cultures the iron objects which they most prized : fish books, nails, axes. The ravages of the sandalwood traders brought this tree close to extinction, and efforts to save the species by establishing sandalwood plantations have not yet succeeded.

The assault continues

Colonial exploitation has taken many forms. The surplus has been extracted differently at different times. Tribute has been exacted in cash or in kind. Poll and other taxes have been levied in order to compel peasants to undertake export commodity production. The pattern, however, has generally had recognizably similar components. Wherever land was found capable of growing the crops increasingly in demand in the expanding European economy, the forests were cleared to establish those crops. If the land was already being tilled, some or all of it was converted to growing the new crops, obliging further forest clearance to satisfy indigenous food needs. The pattern varied from country to country and with the colonial power. To the British administrator, any inferior forest with no obvious commercial value, any jungle, waste or commons, was repellent. It represented idle land which if put under the plough could yield revenue in the form of export crops and land taxes.

Though it was the teak forests which had first attracted them to Burma, once the Suez Canal opened in 1869, the British promoted by all possible means the clearance of the botanically rich but commercially uninteresting evergreen and mangrove forests of the Irrawaddy delta in order to grow rice for export. The incentives offered to peasants from Upper Burma and to immigrants from India differed little from those offered by the Roman rulers in classical times to those who would clear forest and plant.

The methods used by the Dutch to extract an exportable surplus included forced labour, restrictions on crop cultivation, and the collection of coffee 'tribute' through local rulers (the Dutch introduced coffee in 1699). When the Dutch East India Company went bankrupt in 1799, the Dutch government took the company over and took political control of Java in 1830. Control was subsequently extended to the other islands. With growing political control, Indonesian goods came to be collected by forced deliveries, with the local rulers becoming, in effect, Dutch civil servants.

Of course, neither the forest nor the jungle, neither the commons nor the waste, was empty land. All were the habitat of tribal peoples; and everywhere on the fringes were small cultivators who depended heavily on what the forest could yield, in the way of food or fodder, tools, building materials and fuel. Not all administrators, and certainly not all forests, were oblivious to this. But that did not prevent them from continuing to encroach on traditional uses of the forest.

Local manufactures had to give way to provide markets for the manufactured goods of the metropolitan power, as manufacturing developed in Europe. This could be accomplished in various ways. Often European manufacturers were sufficiently cheap to displace hand-crafted goods in the local market places. But sometimes it was necessary to device other means of handicapping indigenous products in order to give free range to European manufactures. When the British accelerated the clearance of the Deccan, the hinterland of Bombay, to encourage cotton growing, most of that cotton went for export, not to expand the native textile industry. The British were trail-blazers of the Industrial Revolution, and British classical economists carried the flag of free trade, enunciating the doctrine of comparative advantage. But when Ricardo cited the example of British textiles exchanged for Portuguese wine, he was providing plausible justification for a state of affairs which the British rulers had imposed. The Treaty of Methuen, which nailed down Portugal in 1703, was a treaty between the lion and the lamb. It opened the doors of Brazil to Britain and it effectively stifled Portugal's own textile industry. Though Portugal hung on to remnants of its empire until after World War¥±, this was mainly because none of the other maritime powers felt sufficiently strongly about them to disposses the Portuguese.

The European assault had a continuing thread. Whenever indigenous handicrafts were displaced by imported manufactures, there was invariably a knock-on effect on the forests. Native craftsmen deprived of their livelihood had to seek a living elsewhere If there were no employment opportunities, urban or rural, they were obliged to break fresh ground; more often than not this was in the forest. The penetration and destruction of tropical forest for export crops spread as Europe grew in power, population and affluence. Where indigenous peoples were few, or resisted enslavement, slaves were imported, and the indigenes either exterminated or pushed deep into the forest. With the ending of slavery, nominally or otherwise, came the turn of indentured labour.

A large and docile labour force was sought: in slave-based planting, when slaves became too expensive, then the breeding of slave was encouraged. When technology changed, when the land deteriorated, when even the climate was affected(as in Brazil's north-east), then production would shift to new areas. Each shift left behind peasants with no, or inadequate, land from which to wrest a living. Often, settlement on forested land was encouraged, only for the land titles later to be torn up and the peasants driven off once they had cleared sufficient land to make way for plantation agriculture or giant ranching interests.

World War¥± and its aftermath brought about a series of struggles for national independence, and within a couple of decades scores of tropical forested countries achieved or were granted new flags, new stamps, votes at the United Nations, and sometimes also new borders and new names, Independence did not, however, either halt or show down the European assault. The Europeans were joined by the Americans, the Japanese, Australians and other, and found accomplices within the newly independent countries. The period since World War¥±has seen the greatest devastation of tropical forests of all time. The reasons for, and the manner and the consequences of this renewed assault are described in parts ¥² and ¥³.

The European assault on the tropical forests, which started in the sixteenth century, continues today, in changed forms but only partly so. In particular the process of evicting the rural population continues : in the Philippines, for example, multinational corporations aided by the Marcos regime, dispossessed small farmers and drove them deeper into the Philippines' surviving forests. In Brazil, powerful landlords, waving land titles, use their own private armies to expel peasants from forest land they have laboriously cleared, obliging them to move on.

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