13. The development of forest science

From very early in their history and women have learned have learned means of manipulating the forest in order to satisfy their needs. Ordinances concerning the forest have a very ancient history. Nearly every civilization which has left a written record has left evidence of decrees or regulations designed to protect the forest. Many paragraphs in Roman law, for example, were concerned with the forest, and these had to do not only with the religious aspects of the forest but also with forest property.

Yet forestry as a science - as a separate science, encompassing an understanding of the biology of the tree and the dynamics of the forest, with the consequent application of scientific principles to managing forests - is relatively young. In fact, the science of forestry, and with it, forestry as a profession, has its roots in Germany in the second half of the eighteenth century. It was there that theoretical work in a number of relevant disciplines led to an understanding of practical forestry, an understanding which was broadened by systematic research and disseminated through a body of students who felt that they belonged to a learned trade.

The first professional foresters were concerned with growing trees, or protecting trees, to the best of their ability, for those purposes deemed important by those who employed them: usually large landowners, a public authority or the state itself. As tine went on, foresters often succeeded in influencing their employers, convincing then, for example, that the function of trees to protect watersheds, to regulate water supply, to reduce the threat of floods and avalanches, was as important as the growing of timber for strategic or commercial purposes. In this they were not always successful; indeed, there are still many parts of the world today where their voices go unheard. Foresters can justly claim credit for being among the first 'conservationists'. Yet their influence has generally been limited to land which had once been, was already, or was intended to be, dominated by tree cover.

We have already seen how forest laws multiplied throughout Europe in the Middle Ages ; though these were at first concerned with conserving the forests for hunting, later they became more concerned with the forest as property and with timber. In fourteenth century France, Charles V introduce the first Forest Code, designed to bring about some form of management of the forests in the interests of timber for the naby. As yet, howeber, understanding of the biology of the tree and the dynamics of the forest was developing very slowly. For some time to come, 'foresters' were to be more concerned with protecting state or private property and with suppressing common rights in the forest than with managing the forest in accordance with any well-understood forestry science.

Perhaps one of the most important steps was the publication in France of Colbert's Ordinance in 1669. Colbert had observed that 'faute de bois la France perira'(for lack of wood France will perish). His Ordinance set out general aims(which covered navigable waters, hunting and fishing, as well as timber production) and prescribed management methods which were designde to maintain the forest capital but also to produce clean, straight oak stems for ship-building. There had, in fact, been similar preoccupations in England since early Tudor times, but the desultory measures taken by successive English monarchs, often in imitation of the French kings, failed to stop forest depletion. Even the publication of John Evelyn's Sylva in 1664 had little immediate impact.

Evelyn was not the forst to publish a major work in Britain on forestry. His work was preceded, among others, by Standish in 1613, and by Hartlib's Compleat Husband-man in 1659. But it is Sylva which has rightly won lasting fame. Evelyn, for a time secretary of the Royal Society, was one of the band of prosperous, influential and intelligent men of insatiable curiosity, who sought out and endeavoured to apply, in the words of Sir William Petty, 'such knowledge as hath a tendency to use'. The publication of Sylva in 1664 was the outcome of intensive discussions in the Royal Society in 1662 on the serious problem embodied in Evelyn's subtitle, Discourse of Forest Trees and the Propagation of Timber in His Majestie's Dominions.

If Sylva had little impact, this was not because Evelyn lacked influence. In 1661 he had addressed himself to the problem of atmospheric pollution in London, and had put forward a programme for making London's air fit to breathe, in his 'Fumifugium or the inconveniencie of the aer and smoak of London dissipated together with some remedies humbly proposed by J. E. Esq., to his Sacred Majestie and the Parliament mow assembled'. Cleaner air was to be accomplished by 'improving Plantations' and by banishing lime burners, brewers, dyers and similar factories from the city. He had the ear of the monarch, and an Act was prepared on Charles ¥±'s instruction in 1662 requiring that certain factories should be reocated beyond the city limits - an Act which vested interests succeeded in frustrating.

Sylva still makes fascinating reading, mainly because in his quest for encyclopaedic forestry knowledge Evelyn was at once a beaver, a ferret and a magpie, and included folklore and folklore and fable about trees which give the book a flavour all its own. One can only speculate why Evelyn's book and the post-Restoration Parliament had so little impact on England's forests, while in France Colbert's measures did much to halt deforestation and encourage reafforestation. The reason is probably that England with its growing naval power had access to cheap timber, brought by sea from the Baltic and the multiplying colonies. France, lacking naval dominance, was dependent on domestic supplies.

But, though there was considerable concern in other countries about forestry matters and especially timber shortages, it is in Germany that we find the true beginnings of forestry as a significant branch of learning, with a continuous thread of development of forestry science, and the spread of forestry teaching, leading to the development of forestry as a profession. There the first significant technical publication was by Noel Meurer, adviser to the Palatine Elector, in 1561. Towards the end of the century, two more important works were published by Johannes Koelerus, of Brandenburg. But already forest services were building up in several of the German principalities, in accordance with the exigencies of the local wood supply. Thus as early as the fifteenth century, Tyrol thd an Oberforstmeister, or Forestry Inspector General.

Forestry science really began to blossom in Germany after the Thirty Years War, so that the practical knowledge which had been accumulated over past centuries began to be interpreted scientifically and applied systematically. In 1713 Carlowitz published his Economic silviculture. Later on, Urtelt applied mathematical calculus to the determination and control of forest production. It was the work of such as these which gave rise to the founddtion of the early forest schools, the first being established in Ilsneburg by Zanthier in 1768. The most successful and famous of the forestry schools, however, was that established by Kotte in Zillbach in 1795, to be later transferred to Tharandt in Saxony in 1827. This school flourished, and its students later founded forestry schools in france(1825) and Spain(1848). This recital of names and dates serves to emphasize how much modern forestry science owes to its German origins.

Forestry schools were also established early in the nineteenth century in Austria and Russia, both of which countries had closely followed progress in Germany. It was a German, Hartig, who published a famous work on how to obtain a predetermined, sustained yield and how to treat the forest so that it could attain this ideal status. It was a German, Dietrich Brandeis, who, in 1865, first headed the Indian forest service, after a decade in Burma advising the British colonial administration. British professional foresters received a three-year training in England, and from 1878 their Indian subordinates were trained at the Imperial Forestry School at Dehra Dun. In japan, first modern forestry administration was headed by a former student ofthe Eberswalde school. A Prussian immigrant, Bernard Fernow, was appointed as Chidf of the Division of Forestry in the US Department of Agriculture and may be considered as having introduced scientific forestry to North America. Formal forestry education began in North America in 1898 with Cornell University's four-year degree programme, and in 1990 the first forestry chair was established at Yale.

There are still many professional foresters today who are reluctant to believe that, down the ages, the forester has usually been looked upon as the gendarme of landed property and rich forest owners. But this is perfectly true, and some of the traditions survive in surprising places. There has always been an association between landed property, forest estates, foresters and hunting, for example. At one time many young men chose the forestry profession precisely for this reason. A few decades ago it was impossible to walk into the house of an old-time forester in many parts of Europe without becoming entangled with antlered trophies on the walls. Even parts of the public forest estate were reserved as hunting grounds for eminent persons. Around this pursuit, a traditional ceremonial developed. City-bred people may find these rituals quaint. But ponder the following quotation, and try to guess where it is from.

A number of usages are observed which impart to the hunt a dignified aspect and influence its course. During the hunt, hunting signals and fanfares are employed and are sounded with bugles. Before the sounding, during and after it, the bugler or buglers take a correct posture so that the hunting signals and fanfares are dignified. Before starting the hunt the hunt-master has all the participants of the hunt line up at a suitable place so that the hunters stand, when he faces them, on his right side in double, or four-fold ranks; opposite them on the right hand side are the buglers, the home sportsmen or employees, and next to them dog-handlers. Behind them stand the beaters. The buglers sound 'Attention' and 'Welcome'. All participants take off their hats, the uniformed ones, wearing a cap, salute and the hunt-master reports to the game manager the number of shooters, beaters and dogs. The game manager thanks him and orders 'Attention' sounded. Then he tells the participants what can be shot, what is the procedure and way of hunting, draws their attention to the hunting signals, reminds them of the correct use of arms, the hunting regulations etc. The bugles sound 'Good hunting' and 'Start hunting' and in this way the hunt is begun. Before each drive 'Begin the drive' is sounded and the 'Finish the drive' when it is ended. To conclude the last drive the bugles sound 'Drive finished' and finally 'The hunt is ended'. All bagged game must be arrayed for the last salute to the game, arranged according to species, rarity and size (first the furred, and then the feathered species.) The game is placed on its right flank and each tenth animal is pulled out a little to make the display easier to view. The participants arrange themselves in the same why as at the beginning of the hunt, the bugles sound 'Attention' and the hunt-master reports to the game-master the results of the hunt. Then the buglers sound again, saluting, thus formally concluding the hunt.

The country is the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the quotation comes from Czechoslovak forestry, published by the State Agricultural Publishing House in Prague in 1966. Traditions die hard, and even in the countries of 'actually existing socialism' (for similar traditions survive elsewhere in eastern Europe) top people and eminent visitors can still enjoy voble pursuits! Yet even if contemporary forest science exhibits its medieval and propertied origins more visibly than some other sciences, its achievements are considerable. The directions which research has taken at different periods have been determined by the principal concerns of those who have financed it. Research institutes have been set up by public authorities, but have often become heavily dependent on private funding especially from major forest industries. Similarly, research at universities has come to depend increasingly on industry funding. This is why research into sylviculture and forest management has tended to concentrate on producing the kind of wood veeded by industry.

Some of the most significant recent advances have to do with the creation of artificial forests for industrial purposes. Artificial forests are nothing new. The main impulses for the creation of artificial forests in Europe came from the need for ship timber and later, with accelerating industrialization, for fuel for smelting. Eleswhere, as in the USA and Brazil, it was the need for railroad ties (sleepers) and engine fuel. Debates about the quality of plantation-grown wood as compared with that from the natural forest, and about the economics of growing wood in plantations, are nothing mew either. They have filled the columns of forest science journals in recent decades, but the terms of the recent debates correspond exactly to the letters appearing from the pseudonymous 'Agricola' in the Edinburgh Weekly Amusement in 1791 (personal communication from Dinnis Richardson).

Some have compared the progress made since World War ¥± in tree selection, tree breeding and propagation with the neolithic revolution in agriculture, the transition from food gathering to crop farming. This is an exaggeration, but there is a certain analogy; the full impact of recent progress has yet to be felt. Modern forest industries operate most efficiently with uniform raw material, and this can be grown more effectively, more quickly, and harvested more easily, than timber from natural forests. Many countries already depend heavily on 'farmed' trees; more will come to do so. New Zealand and Chile have important export industries based entirely on ppantations; the wverwhelming majority of Brazil's industrial timber comes not from the Amazon but from its artificial forests. The new factor which is going to radically transform the role of artificial forests is the application of genetic enginnering to tree breeding. The process of creating exactly the kind of new forest which will match particular needs has been speeded up by the creation of new methods of vegetative reproduction, now applied to many species for which previously one had to wait for seeding, with its inevitable attendant variation.

Computers have made it possible to automate commercial forest management, particularly in relation to artificial forests and even-aged natural stands; mixed forests are more difficult to model. With biological data and direct and indirect costs adequately programmed it is possible to feed in market information so as to enable the forest manager to decide what to fell and when, and for which processing outlet or market. A variety of sophisticated programmes are already avilable, but their practical application is extending only slowly.

Forest industries

Automation has estended its sway much rapidly to the giant forest industry complexes, so that even savmilling and timber fabrication, formerly highly labour intensive, have become processes conducted in factories almost empty of people. In some modern complexes, all incoming logs are automatically appraised for size, shape and quality, then directed without human intervention to the processing plant which ensures optimum yield in financial terms. Pulp and paper plants have long been so highly automated that it is possible to tour the entire factory meeting practically no-one between the woodyard and the dispatch department save an occasional maintenance engineer or instrument checker. Other wood processing plants are now moving rapidly in the same direction.

The rising emphasis on artificial forests does not mean that natural forests have been entirely neglected. But here too most research has gone into how best to manage them to meet industrial requirements. Society's ideas about what it needs from the forest are today changing rapidly, especially in the more affluent industrialized countries. Until quite recently, research into how some of these new needs can best be satisfied has lagged. This has led to needless conflicts between foresters and others concerned with natural resource consernation and use.

Labour has always loomed large in the cost of the final wood product. This is why most of the research into forest working techniques (or logging) has concentrated on getting wood out of the forest and to the factory gate as cheaply as possible. Mechanization has gone furthest where labour costs are high, and the drive for economy has, in industrialized countries, been reinforced by labour pressure for safer working methods. Logging has traditionally been a heavy and dangerous pursuit. Today it is much safer than it used to be for the workers engaged, but this progress is less evident in underdeveloped countries where labour is still cheap.

Perhaps most striking advances have been in wood technology, in all those aspects of processing and using wook already mentioned in chapter 3. Wood has steadily become more valuable in real terms as the more accessible reserves have been used, as labour costs have resen, and as demand has grown. This has meant that research has been devoted to making more economic use of it: use of more species, use ofall parts of the tree, use of wood once regarded as waste. It has led to the widespread substitution of solid lumber-first by plywood and fibreboard, subsequently by particle board. The wide variety of characteristics and finishes which can now be imparted to the several types of wood-based panels has done much to multiply the ways in which wood can be used.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, wood had already become the most important raw material for paper making, but relatively few species were deemed suitable for this purpose. Pulp and paper technology has steadily evolved so as immensely to broaden the kind of wood raw material which can be successfully converted to paper. Thus the slabs and edgings from saw milling and the cores froms plywood manufacture can all be converted to wood chips and pulped. Indeed, the price obtainable for these wood residues has reacted beneficially on the economics of sawmilling and plywood manufacture. Similarly, technology has made possible the collection and recycling of waste paper and board on an increasing scale.

The advances in pulp and paper chemistry which have broadened industry's raw material base have required very high capital investments to achieve the considerable economies of scale. This has meant that the average size of new pulp and paper plants has sharply risen, particularly since World War ¥±. But it also means that, whereas the price of wood (relative to prices generally) has steadily risen, that of pulp and paper products has remained steady or even fallen. The reative cheapness of paper and paperboard has brought about a revolution in packaging and distribution in the industrialized countries.

Economies of size, the need to make the best use of all parts of a variable raw material, together with the need to produce a wider range of marketable wood products, have all contributed to the evolution of giant forest industry complexes. Higher capital investments, with longer amortization times, have led major forest industries into more vertical integration: backwards into forest ownership, forwards into many kinds of fabricated wood and paper products. There has been horizontal integration too, with mergers and rationalization as in other industrial sectors. Similarly, transnationals and conglomerates have come to play an increasing role in forest products. Of late there seems to be a new trend, as in other industries, for the giant concerns to acquire smaller firms which have already successfully developed new technology based on research findings, instead of conducting their own research and funding university and institutional research. This has a double advavtage for them: it shifts some of the burden of research costs on to others; it also enablesthe buyer either to utilize or to suppress the new technology.

Although forestry and forest products research has been heavily influenced by the interests of its principal paymasters, forestry science has made many other important advances. Much more is now known, for example, about the influence of different kinds of forests on water quantity and quality; about the role of trees in checking soil erosion by wind and water. This does not mean that all the knowledge which has been acquired is actually applied. Afforestation to achieve these ends involves costs which many governments are either unwilling or unable to bear. Thanks to television, everyone is becoming more familiar with the natural catastrophes consequent upon deforestation in all parts of the world. If catastrophes continue, it is not because knowledge of how to prevent them is lacking.

Forestry teaching, as well as forest research, has also been largely market-oriented: devoted to the production of professionals capable of managing forest lands in accordance with the objectives of their prospective employers, for the most part national and regional authorities, large forest owners, and forest industry complexes The denmand has thus been for professionals who could create forests, manage forests, of exploit forests with, and indeed have sometimes been in direct conflict with, either the long-term publec interest or changing social values. Nevertheless, the universities have never been completely suborned. They have sought to keep alive a sense of responsibility about the forest resource heritage. This has meant endeavouring to uphold the long-term public interest where this conflicts with private interests or short-term political expediency. The younger generations of foresters are at least as sensitive to these issues as were their predecessors.

Forestry's uneven development

Generally speaking, forest science in its application to the underdeveloped world remains itself underdeveloped, when compared with the knowledge acquired about temperate and boreal forests in the developed world. In so far as the European powers established colonial forest services, the primary concern of those services was the same that of the colonial administrators who had summoned them, and alongside whom they worked: to identify and organize timber supplies, either to be sent to the metropolis, or to be used for extending the infrastructure of the territory bieng administered, or for export; to raise revenues; and, where needed and feasible, to create new timber supplies for these purposes. These were the tasks assigned to the colonial forestry services. Inevitably, a good deal of information was collected about some of the tropical forests in the course of carrying out these tasks, but only rarely were resources devoted specifically to research: to learning, for example, how various types of tropical forest ecosystems might be managed on a sustainable basis. Still less was there any systematic attempt to understand the significance of the forests, of woodlands and of trees for the native peoples.

In those torpical countries where the policy pursued by the colonial powers entailed widespread deforestation, rapid population growth and an extension of agriculture to marginal land, it was inevitable that the forests would come under increasing pressure. Thus in was that, under the British Raj, the columns of the Indian Forester (probably the oldest surviving forestry journal with a continuous history) were largely filled with statistics of petty crimes against the forest: straying cattle, wood thefts and the like, with figures of transgressors apprehended and penalties exacted. In the interests of the 'reserved' forests traditional rights in the forest had to suffer. Many foresters, British and indian, were aware ofthe misery they were inflicting. They were also aware of the dire consequences for agriculture which would attend the stripping of the Himalayan forests. But their warnings were ignored.

With indepindence, Indian foresters struggled to maintain the tradition and keep their forest intact. It was a vain struggle, since with the delegation of forestry and agriculture from the central government to state governments, electoral pressures persuaded state mainsters that the conversion of more forest to agriculture was the easiest way to win votes and hold on to political power. As Indian foresters glumly observed, trees have no votes. Several decades passed before the significance of continuing deforestation to the people of India has now become the focal point for what is nowadays called 'social forestry', which will be discussed in Part ¥´.

The decades following World War ¥± saw an unprecedented acceleration of economic development and material standards in what has now come to be known as the First World. Along with this went a very rapid expansion in the demand for timber, and heightened interest in opening up the world's remaining tropical forests for exportable timber. Many newly independent governments in tropical forested countries raced to climb on the export bandwagon. If there are still many glaring gaps in our knowledge of these forests, it is because theose who have profited from them, both in the First World and Third World, have not considered it worthwhile ploughing back any significant fraction of their profits into acquiring the needed knowledge.

Though billions of dollars were earned in export revenues, little was spent either on managing those forests or on finding out how to do so; on controlling the exploitation that was going on in them; or on replacing them. And though forest services were built up, their principal task was to facilitate the operations of the loggers, native or foreign. It was no fault of young foresters that many of them became unwilling accessories to the reckliss depletion of their national resource heritage. Young forester who were overly inquisitive might well find themselves transferred to remote stations; there were even cases of devoted and unbribable foresters being murdered.

World War ¥± brought in its train demands for political independence throughout the colonial possessions. In most of the newly independent countries, new forestry schools were estableshed. These were staffed by expatriates. or by citizens of the newly independent countries who had received their basic forestry training in metropolitan forestry schools overseas. The kinds of forestry the latter learned, and the notions they carried back to their students at home, often had little to do with the real forestry problems confronting their own people. Perhaps the most damaging of these notions was the idea that forestry was concerned with but one particular form of land management: the management of land that was already under, or intended to be put under, forest cover. Only recently have some Third World forestry schools started to consider the significance of shade and dodder trees for pastoralists, the many types of agroforestry adaptable to successful peasant farming on different types of soil, the accelerating fuelwood crisis in the towns, the role of forestry in rehabilitating marginal lands, and so on. In short, only now are they beginning to understand that forestry is as much about people as it is about trees.

Although, historically, the function of the forester has changed in Europe, his allegiance has always been to his employer. Today, worldwide, most foresters are employed by the state or by large forest owners. The latter are now usually forest industry complexes, often huge and transnational, or conglomerates which have taken those complexes over. Their principal concern is the continuing supply of cheap wood for industry. Even where the forests are publicly owned, the public authority or the state still often places its main emphasis on the raising of revenue or on producing wood for industry.

These facts have determined both directions in which research has been concentrated, and the main content of forestry teaching. They have connoted a definition of forestry which is far too narrow to cope with the many new problems arising today, both in the industrialized countries and in the Third World. Awareness is growing, especially among the new generation of foresters. But as yet neither forest research nor forestry teaching have truly come to grips with these problems. To solve them, notions of what forestry is about to change more quickly they have done so far.

Part ¥² The atate of the world's forests

Introduction

No attempt has yet made to set out the dimensions of forest cover in the different parts of the world today. In chapter 14, where basic statistics on the world's forests are presented, one of the significant facts which emerges is that over most of the Third World forest cover is today shrinking, while in nearly all the rich countries the area of land under forest is steadily expanding. This must seem at first sight surprising, since in those areas of the world which ard today affluent, forest clearance was closely associated with economic development, sometimes being a prerequisite for it, at other times a consequence of it.

Yet, as we have seen, economic development has for many centuries had a global reach. In this part of the book, after chapter 14, the effects of that global reach upon the forests are traced in several selected country 'profiles'. While hte countries chosen do not provide a comprehensive picture of what is happening in the world's forests today, the accounts given are typical, and the processes at work today are often analogous to those operating centuries ago. Only by looking back can the present be understood. And only if the present is understood will it be possible to influence the future effectively.

Though the processes at work are analogous to those poerating in former tines, the context in which they poerate is very different. The first important difference is that the numbers concerned in and affected by the processes are very much greater: the world's population is ten times what it was in 1650, and is being added to at the rate of 87 millions a year. The second is that technology has advanced by leaps and bounds, so that the impact of those processes on the resources on which people depend is very much greater. Finally, among those enjoying more privileged access to the world's material resources, the numbers who feel some kind of responsibility to those less privileged is growing. That sense of responsibility may ebb and flow, but the impact of modern media and instant communications, however media may be slanted, acts to enhance it.

This has had several consequences. One is a growing and widespread desire to halt the destruction of natural resources deemed irrdplaceable, and to manage in a renewable way those which can be managed. Another is a wider understanding ofthe fact that some limit must eventually be set to the numbers of humans the earth's resources can be expected to support. And yet another is a growing disposition ot transfer resources, within countries and between countries, in ways which will help the more disadvantaged members of society to achieve a decent level of life in a sustainable way.

All these consequences carry important implications for forestry and for foresters: for what they do and how they do it. That is why some of the country profile chapters in this part relate not only what has happened to forests in the past, but what kind of forestry problems are arising today and how those new challenges are being met. And in Part ¥³ the various common problems which arise in the case studies will pulled together and discussed in more general terms.

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