It is important to recognize that many of the forest statistics presently available are no more than informed guesses. It may seem strange that, with the technologies currently available, there is still uncertainty about the extent of forest and the rate at which the forest area is changing. But measuring forests is a complex matter.
The first forest inventories in the underdeveloped world were nothing more than what old-time loggers would call timber cruises: that is to say, they were concerned only to find out how much timber there was in the forest of a kind and a size that could be marketed, together with some general information which would help to estimate how much it would cost to get it out. Thus, often only a few species were counted, and then only trees above a certain diameter; all else was ignored.
With the advent of aerial photography, the work of forest inventory could be speeded and cheapened. The photographs taken by successive flights across the forest could be put together to form an aerial map; this map could be interpreted with the help of 'ground truth', physical data collected systematically from sample plots within the forest. Even so, the ground truth established by field teams working in the forest was still far from comprehensive, though more details were added about the secondary species. Some information about topography, soil conditions, availability of road-making materials, and the like might also be collected, to estimate extraction costs. But still, of course, forest inventory concentrated on those forests deemed to have potential commercial value. This meant that in the Third World inventory data were often collected, compiled and analysed by expatriate companies, under contract to either the government, an international development agency or a prospective foreign investor. In the last of these cases, the data might even be withheld from the government-in spite of a long-standing UN resolution entitling Third World countries to all data concerning their indigenous natural resources collected by external agents. In the case of all these inventories, the concern was with how much forest could be converted onto cash in the shape of export revenues. The role of the people who lived in or near the forest was of small consequence.
Today, with earth satellites, technology has moved much further. Earth satellite images can tell us a good deal about the forests. But satellite imagery has its limitations, and requires considerable investment in the 'ground truth' necessary to facilitate interpretation. The use of infra-red photography also makes possible the inventory of forests constantly under cloud cover, something which was not formerly possible with aerial photography. How advanced technology has become may be illustrated by the fact that, during high fire-hazard periods, North American forests at risk are systematically overflown by planes taking infra-red photography (thus registering heat as well as light waves); these data are radio-transmitted to a computer at the central fire control; the computer translates the data on to a map which shows immediately the exact location of any sudden rise in temperature. Fire suppression means can then be directed to the exact spot in order to control and extinguish the fire before it spreads and serious damage is done.
For real measures of forest shrinkage, we need comparable inventory data over an adequate time period: a decade or more. These data are now being steadily accumulate, interpreted and analysed. The estimate of world forest cover in 1980 published by FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization, 1985) consists of such national data as are so far available, interpreted by international experts in close collaboration with the national authorities responsible for collecting the data.
The difficulties of interpretation and estimation are considerable. But whatever the arguments and difficulties, understanding the problems of the world's forests makes it necessary to refer to the best estimated so far available of their scale, their distribution and composition, of the ways and rates at which they are changing, of how far these changes are due to human action, and how they might be altered or restrained. Precisely because national authorities have collected information about their forests at different times, for different purposes, have classifies their forests differently, and have changed those classifications over time, the figures assembled by FAO are necessarily something of a hotchpotch. But they are the most reliable data presently available: it can be expected that they will improve as time passes.
The least reliable aspect of the figures presented in this chapter relates to changes in forest area, since statistical improvements and changes in definition tend to blur the extent of real changes. Even so, the figures show the direction of change and point to its magnitude. As we saw in Parts¥° and ¥±, the large-scale human destruction of forest cover did not begin yesterday, but was well under way in Europe, North Africa and the Near East in classical times and it has been spreading on a global scale from the sixteenth century.
It is now time to take fuller stock of these processes; to spell out a simple aggregated picture of the world's forest cover, noting some crucial aspects and pointing to current changes. Table 14. 1 shows the general distribution of forest cover in the principal regions of the world. From it we see that South America has about the same area of forest as has the USSR, but is the only region with more than half of its land area under forest cover. Forest cover in Africa (as a percentage of the land area) is below the world average, but forest fallow and shrubland in that continent account for more than half the world total. Forest fallow is forest land which has been cultivated and then left for the forest to re-grow, thus restoring some fertility to the soil; shrub land is land dominated by woody vegetation too low and scrubby to warrant the description of forest. The high figure for forest fallow and shrubland in Africa is an indication of the extent to which Africa's original forests have disappeared and become degraded.
The distinction drawn in table 14. 1 between coniferous and nonconiferous does not according to the species which are predominant. Notice that in the forests of the north temperate zone-Europe, USSR, and North and Central America-coniferous species predominate; in all other regions, non-coniferous (broad-leaved) species predominate.
What has to be remembered is that the figures in table 14. 1 cover a multitude of different kinds of forests: so much so that any 'world' table necessarily conceals as much as it discloses. For example, in the FAO statistics a distinction is drawn between closed forest and other wooded land; both are included as forest.
Table 14. 2 summarizes the different types of land cover by region. However in order to interpret it is necessary to remember that its statistical definitions reflect forestry's traditional concerns. Thus from table 14. 1 Africa would appear to fare worst in terms of the quality of its wooded land, with under a third of its total forest area being 'closed forest', while in Europe 86 per cent of the forest area is closed forest.
In fact, however, closed forest is not (as the description might lead one to suppose) forest where the canopy is complete; it is defined by the forest statisticians as land with trees whose crowns cover more than about 20 per cent of the area, and which is primarily used for forestry. Other wooded land includes open woodland, areas occupied by windbreaks, shelterbelts and isolated groups of trees, together with scrub and brush not mainly used for agricultural purposes. The regional figures are not broken down by country since it would take too much space. But a few comments will highlight some of the salient features in each region.
Forest cover in Africa varies from zero, or near zero, in Egypt, Libya, the Western Sahara, San Tome, Cape Verde and Lesothe, to over 50 per cent in Botswana, Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Congo, Gabon, Guinea Bissau, Senegal, the Seychelles and Zaire. The last-named has the greatest area of forest: 178 million ha; Gabon has the highest percentage of forest cover: 78 per cent. The high figure for Botswanais misleading: most of this forest is little more than arid scrub land, but since the land is nether tilled nor used for grazing, and has a certain woody cover, it is classified as forest. Similarly, Tanzania has a 46 per cent forest cover, though most of this is treed savannah-open, scattered, myombo woodland.
The regional figures for North and Central America are dominated by Canada, the USA and Mexico, with 436, 298 and 48 million ha of forest respectively. In Haiti (2 per cent forest cover) and El Salvador (7 per cent) the forests have already practically disappeared. Belize has the highest proportion of forest cover (60 per cent) followed by Panama with 55 per cent. In South America forest cover ranges from 3 per cent in Uruguay and 11 per cent in Chile to over 90 per cent in Guyana, French Guiana and Surinam. The South American figures are dominated by Brazil, which, in addition to its 65 per cent forest cover of 553 million hectares, has 163 million hectares of forest fallow and shrub.
Only four countries in the Asian region have over two-thirds of their land area forested: Kampuchea, the two Koreas, and Japan. The last named, the country of the 'wood culture' par excellence, and also the world's greatest importer of tropical woods, has no less than 68 per cent of its land area forested; the highest of any industrialized country. China claimed that by 1980 it had raised its forest cover to close on 18 per cent, well on the way to its 20 per cent target, compared with the estimated 5 per cent cover at the time of Liberation in 1949: this claim will be discussed in chapter 18. The former principal exporters of prime quality logs-Burma, Malaysia and Thailand-now have forest cover of 47, 65, and 33 per cent respectively, that is 32, 21 and 17 million ha of forest. But these figures understate forest depletion in these countries; much of the remaining forest cover is already sadly degraded. Thailand, whose teak graces millions of homes in the industrialized countries, will soon need to import wood to meet its own needs.
In Oceania the figures for total forest cover are dominated by Indonesia (121 million ha of forest), Australia (107 million ha), Papua New Guinea (38 million ha), and the Philippines (13 million ha). But again the common statistical category conceals great differences. Only about 40 per cent of Australia's forests are classified as closed forests, and the vast majority of these are thin and lightly stocked. The Solomons, with 86 per cent, and Papua New Guinea, with 83 per cent, have the highest forest cover.
In Europe, leaving aside Greenland and Iceland, with no or negligible forests, the countries with least forest cover are Iceland with 5 per cent, and the UK with 9 per cent. Finland has the largest percentage of land under forest: 69 per cent. More will be said about European forests in the discussion on forests in the rich countries in chapter 25. Finland has the largest percentage of land under forest: 69 per cent. More will be said about European forests in the discussion on forests in the rich countries in chapter 25.
The discussion so far alerted us to some of the weaknesses in the data about forest areas. Information about changes in forest area is, for reasons which have already been mentioned, even more tenuous, but it may be expected to improve as time passes. Table 14. 3 gives estimates of the annual loss and renewal of forests, by region and for some principal countries, around the year 1980. A first glance part A of the table would seem to suggest that forest cover is spreading in Asia, North and Central America and Europe, but is shrinking elsewhere. This impression is only partly correct. Thus, for example, the Asian figures are dominated by China's afforestation programme. Moreover, the two columns of figures are not of equal validity. FAO has used the expression 'forest renewal' because it is often not clear whether official national figures refer to new afforestation, or to the reafforestation of formerly forested land. There is a further problem. Forest authorities tend to report area afforested in terms of the work accomplished each year. But it by no means follows that the work is successful. Thus, had China's reafforestation really proceeded at the rate claimed in the early years, then the original aim on Liberation - of raising China's forest cover from 5 per cent to 20 per cent of the land area - would have been achieved some years ago. But in fact, many millions of trees planted never survived, for reasons explained in chapter 18.
It is not only Chinese figures which may be suspect. Some afforestation carried out in the USSR and in North America is done by aerial seeding - easily the cheapest way of creating new forests. Depending on soil conditions and vagaries of climate, this may be wholly successful, partially successful, or an abysmal failure. Or to give another example, in some parts of the world such as eastern and southern Africa, the success of planting will depend heavily on the amount and timing of rainfall, once the seedlings have been planted. In short, though at first sight it might seem that it is a fairly simple matter for countries to state exactly what new area of forest has been created, as yet there is no means of determining whether the reported figures represent effective afforestation, still less whether they represent net additions to forest cover.
If the forest renewal figures are sometimes open to doubt, the figures of forest loss are little more than informed guesstimates. This does not mean that they are simply wild guesses, though it should be borne in mind that they refer only to diminution in forested area: they do not reflect forest degradation, arising from such processes as uncontrolled logging. All these figures should steadily improve as monitoring extends and the importance of having more accurate resource data becomes more widely recognized.
Even so, the FAO figures do point to certain ineluctable
facts. Almost everywhere in the Third World the forests are shrinking. The only
significant exceptions are China and the Koreas. However, over most of the First
World (though not in every individual country) the progressive reduction in
forest area up to the early part of this century has been halted and in many
cases reversed.
15 . Australia
Australia's most famous tree-some have called it the Wizard of Oz-is the eucalyptus or eucalypt, a genus of hardwoods which comprises about six hundred species. The eucalypt has travelled far and wide. It has formed the basis of important forest industries in both the First World and the Third World. It has been hailed as the Third World's saviour; it has been vilified as the peasant's principal enemy. Since 1980 the World Bank has financed numerous eucalypt planting projects, ostensibly to counter the present or looming fuel crisis in the Third World. Yet peasants in Karnataka (where the World Bank is financing half the cost-around US£¤40 million-of a grandiose social forestry project) rip up eucalypt seedlings in the tree nurseries. Why has the eucalypt become such a contentious issue? How can one tree genus arouse such passions?
Australia is an odd continent: in fact it is the driest inhabited continent. Three-quarters of its land area is either desert or land suited only to very low intensity grazing, and virtually unpopulated. The oddity of those indigenous Australian fauna and flora which have survived is the consequence of millions of years of separate development since the continent broke away from the earth's southern land mass, Gondwanaland. But that oddity also rests on the fact that the Australian landscape and its inhabitants have been largely shaped by fire.
There is good reason to believe that before humans reached Australia, a large part of the continent was frequently subject to catastrophic fires. So fire-conditioned is the flora of Australia that the seeds of many woody species will not germinate until they have been exposed to fire. The first Australians, the Aborigines, arrived from the north, from what is now New Guinea. This was at least 40,000 years ago, but it nay have been very much earlier. Within a few thousand years of arriving the successors of these first Australians had occupied the whole continent. Some made their way round the coasts, others penetrated inland. Certainly they reached the Murray-Darling river system, and the inland lakes found in that depression up to some millennia ago. They spread through the land, the different clans and tribes learning very different ways of living from the land, moving about, hunting and gathering. Though they never developed settled agriculture, permanent settlements, or hierarchical societies, they did produce art, music and religion, of quite startling subtlety and complexity. In the course of time their stone tool technology became simpler and lighter, thus better adapted to a mobile life. Undoubtedly they influenced their environment, but it was through fire-stick farming-the technique of setting fires to encourage the regrowth of species preferred as food plants, and for hunting.
Even so, the influence of many millennia of Aboriginals on the Australian landscape was nothing like as profound as that of two centuries of white settlement. The first Europeans to land on Australian soil asw it as a land of 'sand, flies, and the miserablest people on earth'. Even James Cook, one of the few to foresee Australia's potential, acknowledged that in its state of nature the land was indifferently watered and indifferently fertile. Certainly the first settlers, convict or free, had a hard struggle to survive, and many did not.
The British were not the first Europeans to see the continent: the Dutchman Tasman was there in 1642 and his name was subsequently honoured through Tasmania, the name given to the island previously called Van Diemen's Land. James Cook raised the British flag in Botany Bay in 1770. In 1788 the first fleet of convict ships arrived in the spot which had been chosen as British's new penal colony, New South Wales. This was because the British government could no longer dump its undesirables in America or hold them indefinitely in convict ships on the Thames. Freed convicts were joined by other settlers, some of them marine officers deserting the sea to build up estates using convict labour. Other settlements and penal colonies were established elsewhere. The remote subsidiary settlements-Macquarie Harbour and Port Arthur in Van Diemen's Land, Newcastle and Port Macquarie on the north coast of New South Wales-were set up to punish secondary offenders under very severe conditions. The hard labour involved, it is interesting to note, was in each case logging. It was not until 1829that the British, fearing French intrusion, laid claim to the whole continent. After a stuttering start, the several colonies expanded and prospered, but it was not until 1901 that they united to become Australia.
Cook had pointed unerringly to the two factors which made Australia more foul than fair to so many of the early European settlers. As a land from which a decent livelihood can be won, Australia starts out with two of the worst handicaps imaginable: a paucity of decent soils, with many of its soils highly vulnerable to wind and water erosion; and rainfall which, over most of the continent, is sparse and erratic, with disastrous droughts by no means uncommon. It has been estimated that at the time of the arrival of Europeans something like 40 per cent of the land carried forest, mallee (eucalyptus scrub) or tall shrubs, that is, some form of woody cover. In some of the better watered areas the Europeans on their arrival encountered some of the world's finest and most impressive forests, fit to rival the redwoods of California; for example, Eucalyptus regnans (mountain ash) in Victoria, Eucalyptus diversicolor (karri; see figure 15. 1) and Eucalyptus marginata (jarrah; see figure 15. 2) in Weatern Australia.
It was the forests that helped the early settlers to survive. Jarrah was exported to Britain and to all parts of Asia where the British were consolidating their empire; it served as railway ties and constructional wood. At one stage, exports of sandalwood saved Western Australia from bankruptcy. Exports of red cedar were important for Queensland in its early days. Eucalyptus oil proved a great success on the world market, and by the middle of the nineteenth century Australia had a world monopoly and a thriving oil industry. Another important export was wattle bark for tannin manufacture, but this faded out when plantations of Australian wattle were established in Africa.
Today, Australia exports little timber and holds only a small percentage of the world market in eucalyptus oil. For its domestic needs it relies heavily, and in the future will rely even more heavily, on its plantations of exotic species rather than on its native timbers. This is because the first hundred years of white occupation witnessed a reckless double assault on Australia's forests. The finest timber stands were exploited, for home use or for export, as if they were limitless. Many areas of rainforest (known as 'big scrub') were cleared because rainforest was an indicator of good soils. Where the forests were less valuable and trees sparser, the trees were cleared to permit cultivation and the grazing of domestic stock.
Among what are today recognized as significant Australian agricultural exports-wool, wheat, meat and dairy products-none is indigenous. They were brought to Australia, and adapted to thrive there, by Europeans. This is a remarkable achievement given that, of the less than a quarter of the land area with apparently adequate rainfall, much is mountainous, barren, or has very poor soils. Thus only one tenth of the land area is suited to cultivation or intensive stock raising. Moreover, so limited are water resources that the maximum irrigable area that could ever be developed would represent less than a quarter of one per cent of the land area.
Nevertheless a thriving agriculture, including animal husbandry, capable of feeding 15 million Australians and millions of overseas customers, has been built up. But in clearing land for cropping and for creating pasture and in running stock on the existing vegetation, about two thirds of the original woody cover has gone.
This transformation has its debit side. There has been excessive recourse to unsuitable or unsustainable land management practices: overgrazing, misconceived irrigation schemes, misuse of herbicides and pesticides. Considerable areas of land which have been put under the plough for irrigable farming have been deserted as a result of salinization, a phenomenon analogous to that which arose from British imperial irrigation schemes in the Punjab. Water taken out of the upper reaches of the Murray River finds its way back to the river lower down, heavily salt-laden. There are also areas where the clearance of unregarded eucalypts has brought about a rise in the water table, again bringing salt to the surface.
Animals can and do graze some of Australia's empty spaces-mile upon mile of semi-arid land with scanty vegetation. But unless that grazing is controlled and of very low intensity the land speedily becomes desert. Because the number of introduced stock carried was excessive, and because watering points were developed, grazing continued during drought: a recipe for land degradation. Today Australia faces land rehabilitation problems, requiring agriculture-supportive forestry, as acute as in many underdeveloped countries.
It was only well into the second half of the nineteenth century that the voices calling attention to the dangers were listened to. South Australia was the first colony to set up a forest department. By the time of World War ¥° every State had enacted forest legislation and setup a forest service. Though the primary task allotted to each was to ensure a maintained wood supply, they did not neglect other functions of the forest, including their role in water management. The fact that some parts at least of the best indigenous forests have been preserved and managed is the consequence of the sharp struggles of the first professional foresters. Forestry was at first a Colony, later a State, concern. Only gradually, in the course of the twentieth century, did recognition of the national interest, and Federal influence on State action, grow. Fears of a timber shortage for domestic industries led to Federal support for State planting programmes.
By the 1960s the environmentalist concerns blossoming in Europe and North America had their echoes in Australia. The rapidly extending blocks of exotic pines were much harder to stomach than had been the no less exotic fields of wheat or flocks of sheep. What particularly aroused environmentalist wrath was the decision to clear areas of native forest, exporting the wood as chips, to make way for pine plantations. Foresters also came under stern attack when politicians, succumbing to local pressures, authorized logging in the temperate rainforests of Tasmania and the warmer rainforests of Queensland. Both these are forest types which, if not unique, are sufficiently rare to warrant the reservation of areas adequate for scientific purposes.
The press, radio and television hastened to join the environmentalists's attack on the foresters, overlooking the fact that politicians, not foresters, make policy, and that foresters are not always successful in restraining politicians. There had long been widespread agreement, even shared by many environmentalists, that the resource of exotic pines had to be expanded to safeguard the forest industries. However, unwilling to risk forfeiting the 'green' vote, the Federal government decided that Federal support to State planting should henceforth be conditional upon a satisfactory Environmental Impact Report.
Two States, Victoria and Western Australia, sought to appease environmentalists by departmental reorganizations, curbing the remits of foresters, and leaving responsibilities for managing reserver forests and promoting agriculture-supportive forestry very much in the air. However important it may be to assure future wood supplies, the key tasks in Australian forestry are water management and fire control; both require a high degree of forestry professionalism. Time will probably demonstrate that no reorganization will for long hide confusion about policy and lack of clarity concerning priorities.
Some of Australia's finest timbers come from species which
are relatively slow growing and costly to manage sustainably. For a long time
Australians had assumed that there was plenty more to come, just as there was
land ad infinitum in
the outback. Foresters have estimated that the remaining native forests could
yield at least twice what they do at present provided appropriate management
measures were taken. But that would be costly, and would certainly mean higher
timber prices. No Australian state has as yet agreed to the required level of
investment in and management of the native forests, nor to proper pricing of
the wood they yield. This may yet come. The irony of the woodchip export fracas
was that the proceeds were supposed to have contributed to better management
of the native forest. Meanwhile the resource of exotic pine species continues
to be built up to serve the future expansion of the forest industries.
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